California 
gional 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


AN 

EXAMINATION 

OF  THE  VARIOUS    CHARGES  EXHIBITED  AGAINST 

AARON  BURR,  Esq. 

VICE-PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES ; 
AND  A  DEFELOPEMENT 

OF    THE      . 

CHARACTERS  AND   VIEWS 

OF    HIS 

POLITICAL  OPPONENTS. 


Br  ARISriDES. 

-^ 

u  /  am  not  of  the  number  of  thofe  men  <who  are  perpetually 
troubling  and  dijlurbing  you  ;  I  hold  not  any  office  of  trujl  or  of 
adminijlration  in  the  Jlate  ;  /,  therefore,  come  forward  •with 
confidence^  and  denounce  tranfa3ions  and  crimes  Hie  thefe." 


PRINTED  BY  WARD  and  GOULD,  oppofite  the  CITY-HALL. 
1803. 


AN   EXAMINATION, 


1  HE  fubjeft  of  the  following  pages  has  fo  long  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  public,  that  I  can  fcarcely  hope  for  a  can- 
did perufal  of  their  contents.  The  patience  of  fome  is  no 
doubt  exhausted,  and  the  prejudices  of  others  have  been  rouf- 
ed  by  the  numerous  and  elaborate  productions,  which  have  fuc- 
ceffively  been  offered  to  their  confideration.  The  attack  on 
the  vice-prefident  has  been  conducted  with  a  zeal  and  an  earneft- 
nefs,  calculated  to  make  an  impreffion  favorable  to  the  hopes 
and  views  of  its  authors,  efpecially  on  thofe  who  wjere  ignorant 
of  their  real  motives.  Thefe  I  flull  attempt  to  explain.  Hav- 
ing truth  alone  in  view,  I  (hall  endeavor  to  place  the  controverfy 
fairly  before  the  public,  that  its  merits  may  be  examined,  and 
the  purpofes  of  jufticr  be  accomplifhed. 

IF  Mr.  Burr  has  been  guilty  of  the  conduct  ascribed  to  him, 
I  have  no  difpofitiou  to  (hicld  him  from  the  indignation  of  the 
people;  but  if  the  teftimony  which  has  been  incidentally  and 
voluntarily  difclofed,  is  Efficiently  explicit  to  mew  that  his  con- 
duct has  been  uniformly  honorable  and  correct,  it  is  the  duty  of 
every  friend  to  the  government  to  clear  his  character  from  the 
mab'gnant  afperfions  of  his  undeferved  and  wicked  enemies. 

THOUGH  I  may  difcover  lefs  zeal  and  talents  in  the  invefti- 
gation  of  this  fubjecV  than  thofc  whofe  productions  I  am  to 

I 

197056 


6 

analyze,  my  intentions  are  more  correct-  Though  I  may  ex- 
hibit no  brilliant  teftimonials  of  an  a&ive  genius,  or  fail  to 
pleafe  by  the  fplendid  effufions  of  a  lively  fancy,  fomething 
like  conviction  may  be  produced,  by  an  examination  of  fatls,  in 
plain  and  intelligible  language. 

To  thofe  who  are  at  a  diftnnce  from  the  field  of  controverfy, 
it  will  be  impoflible  to  convey  a  difthicl  undurftanding  of  the 
caufes  that  have  produced  divifions  among  us,  without  leading 
their  attention  back  to  circumilances  and  fa&s  anterior  to  the 
eleclion,  which  raifed  Mr.  Burr  to  the  vice-prefidency.  In 
tracing  the  evils  that  afflict  us  to  their  fource,  we  may  meet 
perhaps  with  the  caufes  that  have,  produced  them.  By  unco- 
vering the  fecret  fprings  that  have  moved  to  action  our  jealous 
ftatesmen,  and  difclofing  the  ambitious  views  of  oppofing  in- 
terefts,  we  may  develope  the  myfterious  jnconfiftencies  that 
have  occafionally  marked  our  political  career,  and  explain  the 
queftions  that  now  divide  the  republican  intereft.  Although 
thefe  points  have  already  been  the  fubjeft  of  difcufiion,  there  is 
fomething  fo  ufeful  in  recurring  to  tranfaclions  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  prefent  controverfy,  that  I  hope  bccafional  re- 
petitions will  be  received  without  cenfure. 

IF  in  my  progrefs  I  mould  digrefs  into  the  examination  of 
individual  characters,  who  have  rendered  themfelves  confpicu- 
ous  by  their  conduct  upon  this  occafibh,'  I  truft  it  will  be  par- 
doned. A  knowledge  of  the  men  who  have  inftituted  this 
';y  into  the  political  condnct  of  the  vice  prefident,  will 
tend  directly  to  explain  their  motives. 

AMONG  the  evils  incident  to  free  governments,  none  are 
more  to  be  feared  than  the  virulence  of  party  fpirit,  and  the 
violence  of  political  animofities.  The  nature  of  our  political 
eftablifhments,  the  intricate  andcxtenfive  concerns  of  a  confed- 
erated union,  feem  well  calculated  to  generate  thofe  national 
difunions,  which  by  dimjiiifhirig  our  ftrength,  will  inevitably 
fink  our  dignity  abroad,  while  they  endanger  our  happinefs 


and  fafety  at  home.  But  much  as  the  intemperance  of  politi- 
cal opponents  is  to  be  deprecated,  I  fear  a  difference  of  feuti 
ment  relative  to  the  general  conduct  of  the  adminiftration,  and 
upon  the  principles  of  national  policy,  will  terminate  only  with 
the  exiftence  of  our  government.  It  has  been  faid  that  national 
parties  often  anfwer  falutary  purpofes.  This  is  an  opinion  cer- 
tainly entitled  to  refpecl:,  but  unnecefiary  to  be  here  difcufled. 
No  advantage  that  my  mind  is  able  to  conceive  can  refult  from 
fuffering  the  conftitution  to  be  fufpended,  on  a  pedeftal,  to  fuf- 
tain  the  attacks  of  contending  parties,  or  from  leaving  the  laws 
and  the  complicated  machinery  of  our  civil  inftitutions,  to  float 
on  the  furface  of  political  controverfy.  Nothing  ufeful  certainly 
can  arife  from  permitting  every  conftitutional  injunction  to  be 
tortured,  by  the  arbitrary  conftru£lions  of  ambitious  and  op- 
pofing  ftatefmen ;  from  fuffering  familiar  deviations  from  con- 
ititutional  rules  ;  or  permitting  the  pafiions  and  prejudices  of 
afpiring  politicians,  to  proftrate  the  barriers  that  mould  circum- 
fcribe  their  views,  and  aflign  limits  to  the  hopes  of  human  pride. 
Though  thefe  divifions  by  roufing  the  paflions,  may  enliven  the 
fentiments  of  freedom,  and  by  the  collifion  of  adlion  brighten 
the  chain  of  our  union,  continual  convulfions  may  alfo  impair 
the  ftrength,  and  diflblve  the  bands  that  bind  the  body  politic 
together. 

SINCE  the  eftablifhment  of  the  federal  government,  no  ftate 
in  the  union  has  been  more  agitated  by  the  efforts  of  contending 
parties,  than  the  one  in  which  we  live.  After  tracing  back  its 
political  hiftory  to  the  adoption  of  the  federal  conftitution,  few 
I  believe,  will  be  difpofed  to  doubt  the  juftice  of  this  remark. 
They  will  find  its  caurfe  occafionally  marked  by  violence  that 
brought  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  government  in  quef- 
tion,  and  "  liberty  to  the  brink  of  ruin."  They  will  fee  that 
the  conftitution  has  been  tortured,  and  the  laws  violated,  by  the 
ftiamelefg  inconfiftencies  of  party  fpirit.  It  was  at  that  period 


that  the  line  was  drawn  between  the  two  parties  that  have  alter- 
nately prevailed,  and  the  mifchievous  diftinctions  have  been 
continued  under  various  modifications  to  the  prefent  day. 

THOSE  who  advocated  the  adoption  of  the  conftitution  as  it 
had  been  prepared  by  the  convention  at  Philadelphia,  with  all 
its  manifelt  imperfections,  affumed  the  name  of  federalifts.-r- 
Others,  who  though  convinced  of  the  imbecility  of  the  old  ar- 
ticles of  confederation,  and  of  their  incompetency  to  fecure  the 
fafety  and  integrity  of  the  American  empire,  ftill  urged  the  in- 
troduction of  amendments,  were  termed  anti-federalifls.  Though 
this  appellation  might  have  been  charadteriftic  at  that  moment, 
it  foon  after  the  fuccefs  of  their  opponents,  ceafed  to  be  appli- 
cable. When  an  adequate  number  of  the  ftates  had  exprefied 
their  approbation  of  the  conftitution,  many  of  thefe  men  not 
only  abandoned  their  hoftihty  to  it,  but  became  its  fmcere  and 
genuine  fupporters. 

THE  framers  of  the  present  constitution,  have  certainly  mani- 
fested proofs  of  their  political  sagacity.  It  is  highly  republi- 
can, and  seems  well  calculated  to  resist  most  of  the  evils,  which 
human  wifdom  can  forefee.  The  reprefentative  Jyftem  is  ex- 
tended as  far  as  the  imperfections  of  humanity  will  juftify.  But 
there  is  a  want  of  precifion  in  its  provifion,  and  of  definiteness 
in  its  reftrictions,  that  render  it  capable  of  being  fo  adminifter- 
cd,  that  under  different  adminiftrations  it  will  affume  oppofitc 
complexions.  The  executive  is  armed  with  fufficient  powers 
to  adminifter  the  government  with  vigor  and  activity,  and  to 
check  the  pernicious  deviations  of  temporary  agitation.  But  a 
chief  magistrate,  poflefTcd  of  a  fpeculative  mind,  of  an  amiable 
and  benevolent  difpofition,  not  convinced  of  the  extreme  depra- 
vity of  human  nature,  but  indulging  vifionary  fchemes  of  re- 
formation, and  Cghing  for  the  happy  days  of  man's  perfecti- 
bility, may  relax  the  reins  of  government  till  its  democratic  in- 
gredients gain  the  afccadancy,  and  in  their  eccentric  operations 


9 

facilitate  the  introduction  of  the  moft  hazardous  principles  of 
modern  philofophy. 

THE  anti-federal,  or  what  is  now  more  properly  called  the 
republican  party,  hare  ever  wifhed  for  a  chief  magiftrate,  who 
would  obferve  a  proper  medium  between  the  extremes  of  top 
lax  and  too  rigid  an  adminiflration.  Their  opponents  on  the 
.contrary  have  fought  every  occafion  to  arm  the  executive  not 
.  only  with  all  the  power  which  the  conilitution  fairly  gave,  but 
with  all  that  could  be  extracted  from  it  by  confirmation;  they 
created  while  in  power  new  fources  of  influence,  manifeilly 
contrary  to  the  letter  of  the  inftrument,  odious  to  its  fpirit,  and 
dangerous  to  the  freedom  of  the  people.  This  I  conceive 
forms  the  true  diitin&ion  between  our  national  parties.  The 
difference  appears  to  me  not  to  relate  to  the  foundnefs  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  our  government,  but  to  the  fpirit 
which  (hall  be  infufed  into  it  by  men  in  power.  I  fhall  not 
purfue  thefe  obfervations,  becaufe  they  may  lead  the  attention 
of  the  reader  from  the  queftion,  which  alone  it  is  my  object  to 
elucidate. 

THE  acrimony  which  has  ever  prevailed  among  our  leading 
politicians,  fprung  from  the  animated  difcuffions  which  took 
place  in  the  contention  of  1788.  It  was  there  our  ftatefmen 
avowed  their  principles,  and  displayed  their  eloquence.  On 
the  one  fide  Governor  Clinton  and  Mclanfton  Smith,  pointed 
out  the  odious  principles  of  the  conftitution,  and  urged,  though 
in  vain,  the  introduction  of  amendments,  calculated  to  meet  the 
approbation  of  the  people,  the  guardians  of  whofe  rights  they 
.  were.  They  met  with  ftrenuous  opposition  from  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton and  Chancellor  Livingfton,  who  obftinately  advocated  the 
pernicious  and  unpopular  provifions  of  the  conftitution,  and 
finally  fruflrated  all  the  efforts  of  their  opponents.  The  fo- 
philtry  of  the  one,  concealed  the  deformity  of  the  inftrument, 
and  the  inexhauftible  fancy  of  the  other,  painted  iu  glowing 
colors  the  golden  days  that  were  to  come. 


10 

THI  irritating  influence  produced  by  the  warmth  of  conflict- 
ing opponents  in  the  convention,  extended  to  their  constituents, 
pervaded  ever)'  clafs  of  fociety,  and  fettled  decifively  the  charac- 
teriilic  features  of  the  parties  which  have  ever  fince,  with  un- 
ceafing  activity,  ftruggled  for  dominion  and  grafped  at  the  helm 
of  state.  With  religious  perseverance  each  fought  for  converts 
and  propagated  their  peculiar  tenets.  The  ftandards  of  party- 
were  erected  throughout  the  ftate,  and  every  knave  and  every 
fycophant,  warmed  by  pafiion  or  by  prejudice,  rufhed  to  the 
fupport  of  the  one  or  the  other,  as  his  inclinations  or  his  intereft 
prompted. 

WITH  a  fpirit  of  persecution  that  dishonored  their  country 
and  their  caufe,  that  proftrated  every  rule  of  right,  and  bid  defi- 
ance to  the  operations  of  reafon  and  reflection,  each  adhered 
to  its  leaders,  though  tortured  by  conviction  of  their  errors. 

THE  fpirit  of  parties  continued  to  increafe  to  the  deftruction 
of  private  friendmip,  and  the  interruptionof  focial  intercourfe,  till 
the  return  of  the  election  in  the  year  1 792.  A  conteft  for  the 
chief  magistracy  then  enfued,  between  Mr.  Clinton  and  Mr. 
Jay,  that  before  its  determination  fliook  the  government  to  its 
centre.  To  form  an  adequate  conception  of  the  malignity  of 
oppofing  interefts  at  that  period,  it  will  only  be  necefiary  for 
the  reader  to  advert  to  the  conduct  of  the  perfons  appointed  to 
canvafs  the  votes  taken  at  that  election. 

THE  popularity  of  Governor  Clinton,  from  a  combination 
of  circumstances  unnecessary  to  enumerate,  had  so  far  declined 
since  the  convention  of  1788,  that  many  of  the  most  powerful 
republicans  in  the  state,  encouraged  the  nomination,  and  ad- 
rocated  the  election  of  Judge  Yates  in  1789. 

THE  federal  interest,  however,  was  then  fo  inconfiderable, 
that  Mr.  Clinton  was  again  the  fuccessful  candidate.  The  sub- 
sequent events  in  the  department  of  the  land-office,  so  rapidly 
reduced  his  influence,  that  Mr.  Jay,  his  opponent  in  1792, 


II 

would  infallibly  have  been  elected,  had  not  the  votes  of  several 
counties,  constituting  a  majority  in  his  favor,  been  set  aside  by 
the  canvassers,  because  not  returned  precisely  according  to  law. 

THE  number  of  independent  suffrages  destroyed  upon  that 
occasion,  would  have  ensured  the  success  of  the  federal  candi- 
date. Though  among  the  warmeft  fupporters  of  the  republi- 
can party  at  that  period,  I  did  then,  and  while  poflefled  of  a 
mind  capable  of  reflection,  ever  (hall,  condemn  the  proceedings 
alluded  to,  which  excited  the  fenfibility  and  high  indignation  of 
the  people.  The  difTatisfaclion  and  diflentions  which  the  ill- 
judged  meafures  of  Mr.  Clinton's  adminiflration  had  produced 
among  the  republican  party,  had  fo  far  divided,  and  diminished 
its  ftrength,  while  it  invigorated  the  efforts  of  its  opponents, 
that  in  1795  tne  government  paffed  into  the  hands  of  the  fe- 
deralifts. 

THIS  year  Judge  Yates  was  the  republican,  and  Mr.  Jay  the 
federal  candidate  for  the  chief  magiftracy.  Mr.  Clinton,  from 
a  variety  of  circumftances,  had  found  it  prudent  to  decline  a 
nomination.  Upon  examining  his  pretenfions,  with  fomc  ac- 
curacy, it  will  no  doubt  appear  fingular  to  many,  that  the  reins 
of  government  remained  fo  long  in  the  hands  of  this  gentleman. 
Many  events  which  though  within  the  knowledge  of  the  writer, 
it  is  impofiible  here  to  detail,  contributed  to  continue  him  in 
office. 

IT  is  undeniably  true  that  there  is  always  a  reluctance  in  the 
public  mind,  to  change  public  officers,  while  they  remain  of 
the  fame  political  fentiments  with  a  majority  of  the  people,  and 
retain  their  vigor  and  energy  of  mir.d.  To  difpofitions  like 
thefe,  and  to  his  meritorious  conduct  during  the  revolution, 
Mr.  Clinton  was  indebted  for  his  continuance  in  office. 

IT  is  well  known  that  in  the  early  days  of  our  independence, 
when  the  recollection  of  paft  perils  and  public  troubles  was 
frefh  ia  the  maids  of  the  people,  when  every  heart  glowed  with 


12 

gratitude  to  thofc  who  had  encountered  the  hardfhips  of  war, 
and  had  afiifted  in  eftablifhing  the  freedom  of  their  country, 
that  revolutionary  fervices  received  the  juft  tribute  of  refpeft 
from  every  clafs  of  fociety.  It  was  a  flrong  and  lively  remem- 
brance of  thefc  fervices,  and  not  his  political  talents,  that 
raifed  Mr.  Clinton  to  the  chief  magiftracy  of  the  ftate.  It 
was  thefe  fervices,  and  the  elevated  station  which  he  then  held, 
that  laid  the  foundation  of  his  fubfequent  influence.  He  would 
certainly  have  remained  an  infignificant  individual,  had  not  the 
bravery  he  difplayed  in  the  armies  of  his  country,  entitled  him 
to  refpeft,  and  placed  him  in  the  executive  chair  of  the  ftate, 
which  he  held  till  he  retired  in  1795. 

As  his  retirement  from  office  was  apparently  voluntary,  and 
no  farther  evils  could  be  apprehended  from  his  adminiftration, 
the  federal  party,  who  had  uniformly  oppofed  the  meafures  of 
his  government,  relaxed  in  the  fevcrity  of  their  inve&ives,  and 
thofe  who  had  fupported  his  political  conduct,  were  happy  of 
an  opportunity  to  confign  his  errors  to  oblivion,  which  had  oc- 
efafionally  received  the  independent  cenfures  of  Mr.  Burr,  and 
the  fevcreft  animadverfions  of  his  eloquence.  1  too  mould  have 
left  them  undifturbed,  had  he  not  again  appeared  upon  the 
theatre  of  political  action,  exhibiting  lamentable  inftances  of 
the  imbecility  of  his  mind,  and  of  blind  fubmiffion  to  the  dic- 
tates of  a  perfecuting  faftion.  Apparently  heedlefs  of  the 
public  good,  with  criminal  irrefolution,  he  is  fuffering  the  ge- 
neral welfare  to  be  undermined  and  jeopardized  by  the  fliame- 
ful  machinations  of  particular  ambition.  If  he  has  not  difcern- 
ment  enough  to  difcover  the  evil  tendency  of  the  meafures,  to  • 
which  he  has  been  driven  by  a  few  defperate  adventurers,  he  is' 
unfit  to  be  the  chief  magiftrate  of  the  ftate.  If  he  does  per- 
ceive the  evils  that  will  infallibly  refult  from  them,  and  has  nei- 
ther the  virtue  nor  the  firmnefs  to  make  a  bold  refiftance  to  men, 
trhofe  felftfh  and  difhonourable  fchemes  are  involving  us  in  ruin, 


13 

he  is  criminal,  and  deferves  no  lenity  from  thofe  who  under- 
take to  animadvert  upon  the  prefent  alarming  dificntions  among 
the  republican  party. 

AFTER  what  has  been  faid,  the  reader  will  clearly  perceive* 
both  from  the  nature  of  the  oppofition  in  1789,  and  from 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  found  neceflary  to  declare  him 
governor  in  1792,  that  Mr.  Clinton's  popularity  at  that  time 
was  very  equivocal.  What  it  became  afterwards,  and  is  now, 
will  be  flievvn  hereafter.  From  the  republican  fupport  given 
Judge  Yates  at  the  firft  period  alluded  to,  and  the  flate  of  the 
fubfequent  election,  it  appears  conclufively,  that  he  never  has 
been  that  idol  of  the  party,  which  his  unblufhing  eulogills  wifli 
the  world  to  believe. 

IN  the  fupport  of  Governor  Clinton,  the  republican  party- 
were  influenced  by  a  rcfpedt  for  his  character  during  the  war, 
which  infpired  them  with  a  hope,  that  he  would  continue  to 
fupport  the  principles  he  then  profefled.  They  now  fee  with 
mingled  aftonifhment  and  concern,  that  he  has  dwindled  into 
the  mere  inftrument  of  an  ambitious  relative,  and  his  mercenary 
adherents;  that  a  paltry  and  contemptible  faction,  alike  deiti- 
tute  of  talents  and  of  worth,  are  fheltcring  themfelves  under  his 
name,  availing  themfelves  of  the  imbecility  of  his  age,  and 
converting  him  into  a  convenient  tool,  through  whom  they  imy 
difpofe  of  the  honors  and  offices  of  the  flate  for  their  own  pro- 
fit and  aggrandizement. 

I  AM  aware,  that  by  my  mode  of  .treating  the  fubject  under 
examination,  the  charge  of  digreffion  may  be  incurred.  It  h 
true  that  to  delineate  the  conduct  and  motives,  or  to  point  out 
the  alternate  preponderancy  of  the  two  parties  that  have  e::- 
ifted  in  this  ftate,  fince  the  eftablilhment  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, is  not  directly  relevant  to  the  fubject  I  have  undertaken  to 
elucidate.  The  immediate  object  of  my  enquiry  is,  to  explain 
the  factious  difpofitions,  and  fubordinate  interefts,  which  have 

C 


1 1- 

introduced  inveterate  evils  among  thofe  who  have  hitherto  ap- 
peared to  afibciate  upon  principles  of  general  policy.  To  ac- 
complifh  this,  I  have  deemed  it  primarily  neceflary,  to  take  a 
retrofpective  view  of  tranfa&hns,  which  are  either  direftly  or  in 
their  confequences,  connected  with  our  prefent  differences. 

IN  a  work  entitled  "  A  View  of  the  political  conduct  of 
Aaron  Burr,  Efq."  and  which  I  fhall  prefently  make  the  fub- 
ject  of  examination,  it  is  unequivocally,  though  falfely  ftated, 
and  his  fupport  of  Judge  Yates  in  1789  given  as  the  founda- 
tion of  the  aflertion,  that  Mr.  Burr  began  his  political  career 
on  the  fide  of  federalifm.  Though  I  think  it  of  no  importance 
at  this  moment,  {tuTno  inference  of  this  kind  can  be  warranted 
by  the  circumftance  in  queftion.  It  is  a  fadl  which  defies  con- 
tradiction that  many  republicans,  who  had  rendered  as  import- 
ant fervices  to  the  country  during  the  revolution,  and  to  the 
caufe  of  freedom  afterwards,  as  Governor  Clinton  or  any  of  hi$ 
connections,  had  no  confidence  in  his  talents,  and  warmly  advo- 
cated the  election  of  his  opponent.  But  as  ft  is  now,  fo  was  it 
then,  the  immediate  adherents  of  Mr.  Clinton,  deemed  his  right 
to  the  chief  magiflracy  so  divine  and  indefeafible,  that  every 
man  who  had  the  audacity  to  refufe  him  his  fuffrage,  no  matter 
how  low  or  elevated  his  Italian,  how  humble  or  dignified  his 
character,  was  branded  with  every  odious  epithet  their  ingenuity 
could  devife. 

F*OM  this  early  period  may  be  dated  the  hatred  and  enmity 
which  the  Clinton  family  h'.'.ve  uniformly  borne  towards  the 
vice-prefident.  They  have  occafionally  difplayed  fome  bold- 
nefs  n;.d  vigor  in  their  ivarfare,  but  always  have  been  eng-zged 
in  a  daftardty  and  infidious  manner,  to  undermine  his  influence 
and  his  power.  Confcious  of  the  impurity  of  their  motives, 
and  the  iniquity  of  their  conduct,  in  darknefs  they  have  medi- 
tated his  destruction,  and  like  cowards,  fought  to  blaft  his  reputa- 
tion. Oiie,  in  confidential  correfponiiencxs,  would  hazard  iiifin7 


15 

uations  calculated  to  roufe  impatience  and  anxiety;  another 
would  whifper  fufpicions  into  the  ears  of  a  friend,  with  painful 
caution,  and  much  folicitude  as  to  the  degree  of  truth  to  be  at- 
tached to  them.  In  this  torturous  and  hidden  courfe,  have 
they  purfued  the  character  of  a  man  whofe  energy  and  talents 
they  dreaded,  and  in  whofe  prefence  th;y  humbly  acknow- 
ledged their  inferiority. 

SOON  after  this  period,  arofe  a  diftinft  intereft,  if  it  may  fo 
be  termed,  originating  in  a  preference  for  the  talents  and  poli- 
tical knowledge  of  Mr.  Burr.  A  preference  confirmed  by  the 
impolitic  conduct  of  Mr.  Clinton  towards  thofe  who  were  un- 
friendly to  his  ek&ion  in  1789.  With  thefe  men  he  never 
could  be  reconciled,  and  againft  them  he  directed  the  whole 
force  of  his  official  influence.  Accordingly  in  1792,  we  fee 
Mr.  Burr  folicited,  though  unfuccefsfully,  to  be  a  candidate 
for  the  government.  This  unmanly  and  incautious  jealoufy  of 
Mr.  Clinton,  alienated  from  him  a  powerful  portion  of  the 
party,  and  produced  the  critical  ftate  of  the  election  that  took 
place  in  that  year.  It  was  impoflible  any  longer  to  unite  the 
republican  force  in  his  fupport,  and  this  was  the  true  caufe  of 
his  resignation  in  1795;  which,  though  apparently  voluntary, 
was  not  proclaimed  until  he  was  convinced  that  his  re-election 
was  impracticable.  So  far  had  his  admin  iftration  deranged  the 
whole  republican  intereft,  that  even  the  moft  popular  mas_  fn 
the  party,  could  not  fucceed  in  his  ele&ion.  This  failure  was 
attributable  to  no  other  caufe  than  the  diftra&ion  produced  by 
the  contracted  and  partial  policy  of  the  retiring  chief  magi- 
ftrate. 

THOSE  whofe  political  concerns  and  information  were  con- 
fined to  the  city  of  New-York,  will  perhaps  be  difpofed  to 
doubt  my  accuracy  on  this  fubjecl.  But  others,  who  like  the 
writer,  had  an  opportunity  of  mingling  at  that  time  with  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  will  readily  recogni/e  the  truth  of 


16 

Kiy  afTerlion;  nay,  will  not  hefitate  to  admit  that  there  then 
prevailed  throughout  the  ilate,  an  urmfual  folicitude  and  im- 
patience for  the  termination  of  Mr.  Clinton's  o  Jicial  elevation. 
THAT  Mr.  Burr,  for  feveral  years  fubfequcnt  to  the  revolu- 
tion, bore  no  uncommon  fliarc  in  the  civil  concerns  of  the  (late, 
is  admitted  without  hefitation.  But  that  his  political  inactivity 
proceeded  from  infenfibility  to  the  welfare  and  profperity  of 
his  country,  is  an  inference  as  uncharitable,  as  it  is  unfounded. 
The  infinuation  could  only  have  originated  in  a  ihameful  ma- 
lignity of  heart,  and  grofs  ignorance  of  his  early  purfuits.  The 
turbulence  of  war,  and  the  convulsions  of  the  revolution,  that 
vibrated  with  vigor  through  the  land,  that  invaded  the  abodes 
of  domeftic  peace,  and  rouzed  the  patriotic  fpirit  of  the  ftudent 
and  the  foldier,  interrupted  his  literary  career,  and  the  unfocial 
found  of  the  drum  impelled  him,  at  an  inaufpicious  period,  to 
the  field.  At  the  moment  of  returning  peace,  he  rcfumed  the 
cultivation  of  his  mind.  At  once  afpiring  at  profefiional  emi- 
nence, with  unequalled  ardor  he  grafped  at  erudition,  and  ad- 
hered to  his  legal  purfuits,  with  a  zeal  and  an  ambitious  induf- 
try,  that  raifed  him  with  rapidity  to  the  head  of  his  profeffion, 
in  which  elevated  fphere  he  moved  with  fplendor  and  applaufe, 
till  he  was  felected,  in  1791,  to  reprefent  this  ftate  in  the 
fenate  of  the  union.  In  this  exalted  {ration,  we  recognize  in 
him  the  deportment  of  a  ftatefman,  dignified  and  firm.  With 
manly  perfeverance  we  find  him  advocating  the  caufe  of  freedom, 
and  with  characterise  activity,  devifing  means  to  fave  the  coun- 
try from  federalifm  and  from  ruin.  The  treaty  propofed  with 
Great-Britain,  which  threatened  the  degradation  of  the  union, 
he  oppofed  with  eloquence  and  vigor.  The  uniformity  of  his 
v  conduct,  during  the  whole  of  his  -ienatorial  term,  eftablifhed 
haracler  as  a  firm  republican.  The  prefent  fccretary  of  the 
treafury,  Mr.  Gallatin,  has  frequently  declared,  that  he  had 
examined  with  care  and  attention  the  journals  of  the  fenate  of 


17 

the  United  States,  and  could  not  difcovcr  that  Mr.  Burr  had 
ever  given  an  anti-republican  or  even  an  equivocal  vote,  while  a 
member  of  that  body;  and  his  nomination  for  the  vice-prefi- 
dcncy,  in  1797,  is  indubitable  evidence  of  the  high  eftimation 
in  which  he  was  held  by  his  party.  His  fellow  fenators,  who  par- 
ticipated in  his  labors,  and  the  high  official  characters  at  the 
feat  of  government,  all  of  whom  had  the  means  of  detecting 
his  want  of  attachment  to  the  principles  of  the  republican  par- 
ty, proclaimed  him  worthy  of  the  fecond  office  in  the  govern- 
ment; and  none  but  the  penetrating  author  of  THE  VIEW,  it 
feems,  could  difcover  in  him  "  the  want  of  a  fteady  uniform 
principle." 

THE  year  in  which  Mr.  Burr's  feat  in  the  fenate  expired, 
which  was  in  1 797,  he  was  cliofen  to  reprefent  the  city  of  New- 
York  in  the  ftate  legiflature. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  ingenuity  with  which  the  author  of 
THE  VIEW  has,  through  the  whole  of  his  work,  diftorted  the 
conduft,  and  difcoloured  the  motives  of  Mr.  Burr,  he  has  not 
been  able  to  point  out  a  fpecific  inilancc,  during  the  feffion  of 
the  legiflature  which  took  place  in  this  year,  that  was  excep- 
tionable to  the  republican  party.  Was  it  ignorance,  or  want  of 
induftry  in  refearch,  that  has  prevented  this  ingenious  gentle- 
man from  amufing  the  public  with  a  minute  detail  of  fome  trea- 
fonable  practices  in  the  feffion  of  1797.  No  part  of  Mr.  Burr's 
life  appears  fo  barren  and  uninterefting.  Surely  a  year  could 
not  elapfe  without  difclofing  to  the  fagacious  and  penetrating 
author  of  the  View,  fome  fchemes  to  fubvert  the  conftitution, 
or  for  elevating  the  federalifts  on  the  ruins  of  republicanifm. 
But  it  feems  Mr.  Burr  "  exhibited  neither  firmnefs  nor  activity 
in  the  legiflature.  He  rarely  attended  republican  meetings," 
and  in  the  opinion  of  his  Impartial  biographer,  "  wrote  not  a  line 
in  fupport  of  freedom."*  Proof  politive,  certainly  of  treafon. 
*  See  View,  &c.  />.  24. 


18 

It  is  impoffible  that  in  retirement  he  could  have  been  en- 
gaged in  any  thing  but  mifchicf.  What!  abfent  from  a  pub- 
lic meeting,  and  not  plotting'againil  the  welfare  of  the  ftatc  ? 
Oh !  prepofterous !  When  inattentive,  and  not  writing  in 
fupport  of  freedom?  Is  not  the  natural  inference,  that  he  was 
meditating  the  overthrow  of  the  government?  Surely  this  pe- 
riod of  Mr.  Burr's  political  life,  merited  more  attention,  and  a 
flri&er  examination.  Prefumptions  numerous  and  violent,  could 
have  been  raifed,  to  prove  that  he  was  not  attached  to  the 
principles  of  his  party,  but  meditated  the  elevation  of  their  op- 
ponents. The  author  of  THE  VIEW  muft  have  laboured  under 
fome  temporary  imbecility  of  mind  in  examining  thefe  proceed- 
ings of  Mr.  Burr,  or  has  been  guilty  of  grofs  injuftice  to  his 
employers. 

BUT  the  fucceeding  year,  (1798)  was  pregnant  with  porten- 
tous events.  A  lift  of  the  vice-prefident's  political  tranfgref- 
fions  are  here  prefented,  long  enough  to  bear  conviction  to  the 
moft  obdurate  and  incredulous  mind.  In  this  year  the  triennial 
election  for  governor  again  occurred.  Mr.  Burr,  however,  it 
feems  mamfefted  no  difpofition  on  this  occafion,  to  be  held  up 
as  a  candidate.  It  is  left  for  the  author  of  the' View  to  recon- 
cile this  with  his  "  immeaiurable  ambition." 

To  gratify  the  extreme  anxiety  and  officious  folicitude  of 
Chancellor  Livingfton,  as  well  as  to  pacify  the  clamorous  vanity 
of  his  relatives,  the  republican  party  after  much  iiefitation, 
agreed  to  fupport  that  "  learned"  perfonage  for  the  chief  ma- 
giftracy.  His  want  of  popularity  was  fo  well  known  that  no- 
thing could  have  induced  this  inexpedient  meafure,  but  a  defire 
to  fliew  the  futility  of  his  pretenfions,  and  thus  in  future  avoid 
his  hitherto  unceafmg  importunities.  For  about  this  period, 
this  gentleman,  and  his  numerous  connections,  though  notori- 
oufly  deftitute  of  claims  upon  the  public,  and  of  all  attachment" 
to  the  principles  of  republicanifm,  ftrenuoufly  advanced  claims 


19 

to  power;  founding  their  pretenfions  upon  the  rirtues  of  an 
ancient  name,  and  hereditary-  wealth.  Although  at  the  period 
that  ftttled  the  coaftitution  of  the  ftates,  they  had  boldly 
fought  under  the  banners  of  federalifm,  they  had  conveniently 
changed  with  times,  and  become  zealous  friends  of  the  people, 
the  better  to  deceive  them ;  unperceived  to  climb  the  ladder  of 
ambition,  and  ufurp  political  authority.  The  juft  odium,  at- 
tached to  their  inftability  of  principle,  and  their  perfevering  in- 
duftry,  in  interefted  purfuits,  to  the  exclufion  of  honeft  views, 
to  the  infraction  of  private  engagements,  and  the  violation  of 
public  truils,  had  hitherto  excluded  them  from  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  and  almoft  from  all  participation  in  the  honors 
or  emoluments  of  public  offices.  The  juft  eftimation  of  their 
pretenfions  is  perhaps  the  moft  decifive  inftance  of  found  judg- 
ment that  chara&erifed  the  former  adminiftration  of  Mr.  Clin- 
ton. And  notwithstanding  the  late  apparent  reconciliation 
with  him,  which  I  fhall  prefently  notice,  it  has  made  impreflions 
that  nothing  can  eradicate.  It  has  engendered  a  hatred  in 
their  bofoms  that  no  time  can  cool,  nor  no  ingenuity  can  long 
conceal.  The  refult  of  the  election  terminated  as  was  forefeen, 
in  the  defeat,  and  mortification  of  Mr.  Livingfton,  and  confirm- 
ed the  conviction  of  the  party,  that  the  people  had  no  confi- 
dence in  his  political  integrity,  and  had  been  difgufted  by  his 
unwarrantable  expectations. 

IN  returning  to  Mr.  Burr,  and  his  conducl  during  the  legif- 
lative  feflion  of  1798,  as  detailed  in  the  "  View*  we  have  a 
picture  prefented  fo  diverfified  and  curious,  as  to  captivate  the 
moft  capricious  attention,  fo  bold  and  ftriking,  fo  vigorous  and 
rariegated,  as  to  amufe  the  moft  juvenile  fancy,  and  confound 
the  fcber  gravity  of  age.  We  find  him  reprefented  at  the  fame 
time  as  "  fliff  and  referved,  diftrufted  !  y  the  federalifts,  and 
fufpefted  by  his  own  party.  On  delicate  queftions,  backward 
in  exhibiting  his  sentiments.  OccafionaZly  manifefting  a  dou- 


20 

ble  front,  and  furniming  abundant  reafon,  to  fufpe&  the  purity 
of  his  intentions,  and  the  fincerity  of  his  political  proftffions."* 

THESE  vague  affertions  are  certainly  unworthy  of  notice,  un- 
fupported  as  they  are  by  circumftances,  or  a  fingle  fact;  they  arc 
infidious  furmifes,  calculated  to  prejudice  the  mind  of  the  rea- 
der, and  prepare  it  for  more  ferious  infmuations,  and  the  re- 
ception of  bolder  falflioods.  The  common  fenfe  of  every  man, 
who  poffefTes  the  fmalleft  knowledge  of  the  political  tranfac. 
tions  of  that  day,  will  at  once  difcover  the  malignity  of  the  mind 
that  conceived  and  gave  them  to  the  world. 

To  fubftantiate  all  thefe  charges,  one  inftance  of  "  double  deal, 
ing"  is  attempted  to  be  fhewn.  And  what  is  it  ?'  Why  when 
the  council  of  appointment  was  to  be  chofen,  Mr.  Burr  was 
not  in  the  houfe.  Conclufive  teftimony,  triumphant  proof  in- 
deed, for  this  fapient  author.  Unfortunately  for  him  however, 
eleven  other  members  it  appears  were  abfent,  befides  Mr. 
Burr,  and  his  vote  would  not  have  varied  the  refult  of  the 
choice  that  was  made.  Col.  Burr  however,  muft  be  refponfi- 
ble  for  the  lofs  of  the  election  at  all  events,  becaufe  it  will  an- 
fwer  the  infidious  purpofes  of  his  vindictive  enemies.  Upon 
fuch  circumftances,  fuch  incidents,  fuch  accidental  occurren- 
ces, is  the  reputation  of  this  gentleman  to  be  torn  to  pieces, 
and  fcattered  before  the  winds  of  heaven,  the  fport  of  every 
malicious  rival,  and  mechanical  traducer. 

THE  reader  will  perceive  that  to  purfue  the  author  of  the 
View  through  the  wide  field  of  abufe  and  calumny  in  which  he 
has  wandered,  to  refute  all  the  futile  and  ill-conceived  objedli- 
ons,  which  his  fertile  fancy  has  created,  againft  the  political 
conduct  of  Mr.  Burr,  would  involve  me  in  endlefs  labour,  and 
far  exceed  the  limits  which  I  have  prefcribed  to  the  examination 
of  thefe  fubordinate  charges.  1  (hall  therefore  only  notice  a 
few  of  thofc  which  appear  molt  deferving  of  attention. 

*  Ste  View,  p.  25. 


THE  appropriation  of  twelve  hundred  thoufand  dollars,  mor- 
ed  by  Mr.  Burr  in  the  extra  meeting  of  the  legislature  in  Au- 
gufl  1798,  d^ferves  the  approbation  of  the  country.  Thedc- 
fcnceLfs  and  expofed  ftate  of  one  of  the  moft  important  ports 
in  the  union,  is  a  difgrace  to  the  general  government,  and  a 
reproach  upon  the  public  fpirit  of  the  ftate.  It  is  matter  of 
aftonifhment  to  every  intelligent  traveller,  and  of  regret  to  every 
friend  to  the  fafety  and  dignity  of  his  country,  that  a  city* 
\vhofe  natural  advantages  are  fuperior  to  any  in  the  United 
States,  whofe  political  importance  to  the  federal  union  is  incal- 
culable, and  which  annually  pays  into  the  national  treafury  one 
third  of  the  whole  revenue  of  the  country,  may  be  laid  under 
contribution  by  a  fingle  frigate,  or  be  infulted,  laid  wafte  and 
burnt  by  every  petty  pirate  that  either  caprice,  or  the  hopes  of 
plunder  may  lead  within  its  harbor. 

EVERY  fchool  boy,  who  has  read  the  conftitution,  knows 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  general  government  to  provide  for  the 
general  defence.  But  the  author  of  The  V'w  knows,  or 
ought  to  know,  that  it  had  been  applied  to  in  vain,  alledginj 
as  an  excufe,  a  difputed  balance  of  a  million  of  dollars  due  from 
this  ftate  to  the  union  ;  that  it  was  after  many  fruitlefs  at- 
tempts had  bren  made  to  iutereft  the  national  government  in 
our  fafety,  to  awaken  its  anxiety  for  our  welfare,  and  when 
federal  policy  had  nearly  involved  us  in  a  foreign  war,  that  the 
legiflature  were  exprefsly  called  for  the  purpofe  of  taking  into 
confideration  the  afpect  of  our  foreign  affairs,  and  to  adopt 
means  for  our  fecurity.  It  was  in  this  critical  conjuncture,  un- 
der the  preffure  of  thefe  peculiar  and  untoward  circumftanccs, 
that  Mr.  Burr's  propoiition  for  an  appropriation,  adequate  to  the 
probable  exigencies  of  the  public,  was  made. 

THE  author  of  The  View,  if  he  is  fane,  will  not  contend  I 
prefume,  that  if  the  work  of  fortifying  our  harbor  was  at  all 
undertaken,  that  the  fum  propofed  w<*  too  large ;  particu- 

e 


22 

larly  as  under  the  then  arrangements  all  fums  expended  for  this 
purpofe,  were  to  extinguifli  fo  much  of  our  fuppofed  debt  to  the 
union. 

THE  prefent  fortifications  in  our  harbour  and  their  garrifons, 
are  a  mockery  of  military  force,  and  have  juftly  become  a  fub- 
Jeft  of  ridicule.  The  effect  they  would  infallibly  produce  in 
perilous  times  would  be  pernicious.  They  would  tend  to  footh 
the  apprehenfions  ofthofe  unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  mi- 
litary power,  and  paralize  the  efforts  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city.  Not  till  danger  and  death  approached  their  habitations 
would  they  be  roufed  to  exertion,  or  abandon  a  fruitlefs  depen- 
dancc  on  a  force,  barely  fufficient  to  alarm  the  timidity  of  in- 
fancy or  dotage,  or  to  found  the  alternate  approach  of  darknefs 
and  of  day.  For  this  act  of  his  public  life,  therefore,  Mr.  Burr 
mould  feel  no  remorfe,  and  may  claim  with  fafety  the  approba- 
tion of  his  fellow  citizens. 

IF  at  the  period  of  which  I  have  been  fpeaking,  it  was  ru- 
moured that  Mr.  Burr  was  to  receive  a  military  commiilion 
from  the  prefident  of  the  United  States,  it  did  not  reach  the 
ears  of  the  writer.  And  furely  fuch  a  mark  of  refpecl  could 
not  have  been  difhonorable. 

THE  neceflhy  of  an  office  to  fuperintend  the  exaction  of  ef- 
cheats,  has  long  been  admitted,  and  if  inftituted  at  the  period 
propofed  by  Mr.  Burr,  would  have  been  extremely  falutary  in 
its  operations.  It  would  have  reftrained  corporate  bodies 
within  the  limits  of  their  charters,  and  that  it  would  have  in- 
creafed  materially  the  revenue  of  the  flate,  muft  be  manifeft  to 
the  meaneft  capacity. 

THE  oppofition  made  by  Mr.  Burr,  to  the  celebrated  amend- 
ment propofed  by  the  ftate  of  MafTachufetts  to  the  federal 
conftitution,  has  extorted  the  reluctant  approbation  of  this 
modern  cenfor.  It  is  the  only  folitary  aft  in  the  annals  of  this 
memorable  feffion  thafc  has  efcaped  cenfure.  This  temporary 


23 

candor  is  ingenioufly  affe&ed,  for  the  purpofe  of  giving  addi- 
tional poignancy  to  the  fcurrility  and  (lander  that  enfues. 

IF  on  this  fubject  the  writer  mould  vary  in  opinion  from  the 
author  of  The  Viciv,  it  will  not,  he  trufts,  be  ascribed  to  perverfe- 
nefs  of  temper,  or  a  fixed  determination  to  combat  the  juftnefs 
of  his  fentiments.  Such  a  difpofition  cannot  ferve  the  purpofes 
of  truth.  Inftead  of  elucidating,  it  would  tend  to  embarrafs 
the  enquiry  he  has  begun.  Difclaiming  all  perfonal  motive?, 
and  undue  attachment  to  individuals  or  fe&s,  he  will  freely  be- 
fto\v  applaufe  where  applaufe  is  due,  and  difapprobation  where 
h  •  thinks  it  is  deferved.  He  will  not  blindly  advocate  the  po- 
litical infallibility  of  any  man,  however  exalted  may  be  his  fta- 
tion.  Mr.  Burr's  political  life  furnifhes  much  to  applaud  and_ 
fomething  to  cenfure.  Upon  many  occafions  he  has  manifefted 
a  zeal  and  patriotic  attachment  to  the  true  interefts  of  his  coun- 
try, that  merit  the  livelieft  language  of  panegyric.  But  not 
exempt  from  human  infirmity,  he  has  occafionally  erred  in  ad- 
vocating meafures  not  calculated  to  advance  the  profperity  of 
the  nation.  Though  poflefled  of  a  mind  fingularly  perfpicacious, 
let  us  not  fo  far  forget  the  imbecility  of  human  wifdom,  as  to 
fuppofe  that  Mr.  Burrs  difcernment  could  adequately  compre- 
hend upon  the  preffure  of  every  occafion,  the  true  interefts  of 
his  country,  in  all  their  minute  combinations,  or  anticipate  the 
future  effe&s  of  operating  caufes.  Unlike  thofe  diurnal  fcrib- 
lers  who  have  finifter  purpofes  to  accomplish,  I  think  it  as  fair 
and  charitable  to  afcribe  his  fupport  of  meafures  which  appear 
to  me  impolitic,  to  the  errors  of  his  judgment,  as  to  improper 
feelings  of  his  heart. 

Upon  the  subject  of  the  MafTachufetts  amendment,  I  mall 
therefore,  with  great  deference  to  the  fuperior  talents  and  expe- 
rience of  Mr.  Burr,  queftion  the  foundness  of  his  opinions.  His 
conduct  upon  that  occafion  proceeded  no  doubt  from  the  pur- 
•ft  motives,  from  a  liberal  and  benevolent  difpofition.  But  the 


21- 

principles  he  advocated,  I  hold  are  pregnant  with  mifchiefs ;  in 
their  operation  they  will  poifon  the  fources  of  our  happinefs, 
and  ere  long  demolifh  the  proud  monuments  of  our  freedom. 

THE  terms  of  the  propofed  amendment  are  not  now  before 
me,  nor  can  I  recollect  them  with  accuracy.  If  viewed,  ab- 
ftra&ed  from  national  objector  as  directed  at  an  individual,  it 
was  certainly  unworthy  of  fupport.  But  if  confidcrcd  as  in- 
volving a  great  political  principle,  it  merits  mature  inveftiga- 
tion. 

I  LAY  it  down  as  a  maxim,  that  a  fimilaiity  of  opinions  upon 
the  principles  of  government,  and  a  congeniality  of  political 
feelings,  are  indifpenfably  necefiary  to  cnfure  the  peace,  har- 
mony and  integrity  of  our  federal  union. 

THE  variety  of  principles  efpoufed  by  thofe  who  have  either 
been  expelled  from  European  countries,  by  the  wanton  power 
of  a  crowned  oppreflbr,  or  battened  from  their  native  foils  by 
the  apprehenfions  of  a  guilty  conference,  and  who  adventure  hi- 
ther in  fearch  of  better  fortunes,  muft  in  their  unreftrained  ope- 
rations, generate  evils,  that  by  floxv  but  fure  effecls,  will  work 
corruption  and  infufe  poifonous  tendencies  into  our  moral  and 
political  arrangements. 

THE  principles  upon  which  our  civil  inftitutions  are  founded, 
are  fo  mild  in  their  nature,  the  immunities  they  grant  and  the 
privileges  they  fecurc  fo  extenfive  and  diverfified,  that  their  va- 
lue to  the  native  fons  of  American  liberty  muft  diminifli,  in  the 
proportion  that  turbulent  and  interefted  foreigners  are  introdu- 
ced among  them.  The  greater  variety  of  ingredients,  radically 
different  in  their  nature,  which  are  unguardedly  admitted  into 
our  country,  and  our  national  councils,  the  lefs  harmony  and 
unity  of  defign  will  prevail. 

THESE  apprehenfions  are  certainly  r.tional,  and  amply  juf- 
tified  by  the  fyflematic  plans  which  thofe  poifonous  l"hoots  of 
European  corruption  have  lately  inilituted,  under  the  eye  of 


25 

our  government,  and  in  the  very  centre  of  our  country,  to  ac- 
quire an  undue  influence  in  our  political  operations.  Encou- 
raged by  the  countenance  of  congrefs,  they  are  flocking  from 
every  quarter  of  the  world,  in  crouds  more  dreadful  and  alarm- 
ing than  the  approaching  torments  of  peililence  and  famine. 
Their  hearts  warm  with  theprofpect  of  plunder,  they  haften  to 
the  arm$  of  their  naturalized  brethren,  who  are  already  preying 
on  the  vitals  of  their  adopted  country;  who,  after  having  been 
protected  by  our  laws,  and  participated  iu  our  privileges,  arc 
already  conceiving,  maturing  and  purfuing  defigns  to  eilablifh 
a  permanent  foreign  influence,  diftinct  from  the  power  of  our 
native  citizens.  It  is  beyond  controverfy  true,  that  in  this  city, 
and  Several  others  in  the  union,  they  have  formed  affociations 
for  the  cxprefs  purpofe  of  influencing  elections,  and  favouring 
the  elevation  of  individuals  who  will  fupport  their  views. 

IT  is  alfo  well  afcertained  that  correfponding  focieties  are  in- 
ftitutcd,  for  the  exprefs  purpofe  of  communicating  to  the  dif- 
affected  fubjects  of  European  governments,  the  facilities  that 
here  attend  their  naturalization,  and  for  inviting  them  to  this 
land  of  promife.  Even  particular  individuals,  diftinguifhed 
abroad,  in  the  annals  of  fraud  and  fedition,  have  been  honored 
with  direct  applications.  Thus  encouraged  and  elevated  by  the 
.flattering  profpect,  painted  in  lively  colours  to  their  view,  Ame- 
rica becomes  the  object  of  their  loathfome  affections;  their  be- 
loved paradife,  where  they  are  kindly  told  that  villainy  is  un- 
reftrained  in  its  purfuits ;  where  (kill  in  fraud,  conftitutes  the 
value  of  the  man,  and  robbery  is  ranked  among  the  inalienable 
rights  of  the  citizen. 

.  SINCE  the  ruinous  and  impolitic  act  which  was  pafled  by  our 
national  legiflature  in  1801,  lias  been  in  operation,  we  have 
been  furnifhed  with  unufual  importations  of  thefe  fugitive  pa- 
triots. Our  fea  ports  have  been  infefled  with  thefe  hardy  fons 
«f  foreign  corruption ;  tome  the  legitimate  property  of  the  gib- 


26 

bet,  and  others  with  the  crimfbn  (tripes  of  infamy  frefli  upon 
'their  backs,  have  already,  with  native  ingenuity,  invaded  indt 
vldual  property,  and  with  heroic  zeal  are  grafping  at  political 
importance. 

THE  controul  of  newfpapers  is  their  favourite  object.  If 
they  find  a  diftinguifhed  individual  hoftile  to  their  iniquitous 
projects,  they  mark  him  out  for  deitruction.  He  is  inftantly 
aflailcd  with  all  the  falfhoods  and  flanders  their  conjunct  inge- 
nuity can  devife.  A  double  objedt  is  thus  accomplifhed,  the 
power  of  an  enemy  is  wounded,  and  their  own  importance  in- 
creafed  by  the  concentration  of  public  attention.  This  was 
the  mode  by  which  Burke  and  Cobbet  fought  to  acquire  Same, 
and  to  influence  public  fentiment.  This  too  is  the  mode  pur- 
fued  by  Cheetham  and  Duane,  to  accomplifh  fimilar  purpofes, 
but  more  extenfive,  deep  and  daring  in  their  nature. 

I  ASSERT,  without  the  fear  of  contradiction,  that  all  the 
local  difientions  of  a  political  nature,  with  which  we  have  been 
afflicted,  originated  exclufively,  with  men  of  this  defcription. 
And  unlefs  fome  efficacious  mode  is  adopted  of  checking  their 
pernicious  career,  they  will  not  only  paralize  the  operations  of 
the  government,  but  foon  involve  us  in  all  the  horrors  of  in- 
teftine  war  ;  unlefs  they  are  held  in  proper  fubordination,  by 
the  general  deteftation  of  Americans  or  controuled  by  law ;  un- 
lefs they  are  excluded  from  places  that  facilitate  their  operations, 
the  people  of  this  country  muft  prepare  to  furrender  their 
rights,  and  fuffer  their  opinions  to  be  regulated,  not  by  their 
own  good  fenfe,  but  by  a  few  defperate  and  licentious  for 
jreigners. 

IT  will  perhaps  be  unneceflary  to  obferve,  that  the  remarks 
in  the  preceding  pages,  are  not  meant  to  extend  indifcriminately 
to  thofe  who  are  not  native  citizens.  There  are,  no  doubt, 
many  foreigners  among  us,  who  emigrated  with,  juft  views,  and 
for  hoaeft  purpofes  j  who  have  become  yaluablc  ckiz^ns,  and 


27 

whofe  worth  I  duly  appreciate.  But  in  the  dcfcription  which 
has  been  given,  I  mean  to  include  the  general  mafs  of  Europeans 
who  have  arrived  fince  the  revolution,  and  who  are  daily  pour- 
ing in  upon  us  for  the  purpofe  of  pecuniary  fpeculations,  and 
with  political  views  manifeftly  hoftile  to  the  fpirit  of  our  go- 
vernment. 

I  AM  aware  that  the  opinions  here  advanced,  are  not  popular 
with  the  party  to  which  I  am  attached ;  but  it  is  firmly  believ- 
ed, that  an  attentive  inveiligation  of  the  fubjecl,  would  imprefs 
the  impartial  individuals  of  every  party,  with  the  propriety  of 
my  fentiments  ;  would  terminate  in  a  conviction  that  the  terms 
of  the  prefent  naturalization  aft  are  highly  dangerous,  and  me- 
rit the  attention  of  the  government. 

REFLECTING  men  will  allow  that  its  provifions  are  calculated 
to  introduce  into  the  bofom  of  our  country,  a  fpirit  of  licen- 
tioufnefs,  at  variance  with  the  wholefome  rules  of  American 
policy ;  mingled  with  a  profligacy,  fprung  from  the  worft  prin- 
ciples of  modern  philofophy,  and  which  when  uncontrolled 
will  operate  upon  the  body  politic,  like  poifon  infufed  into  the 
human  fyftem. 

So  far  therefore,  as  Mr.  Burr  is  an  advocate  for  the  equal 
privileges  of  foreigners,  after  the  fhort  probationary  period  pre- 
fcribed  by  the  prefent  aft,  he  receives  my  moil  hearty  difappro- 
bation. 

ALTHOUGH  the  conduct  of  the  vice-prefident  relative  to 
the  amendment  in  queftion,  as  alfo  upon  the  Virginia  and  Ken- 
tucky refolutions  was  gratifying  to  the  author  of  The  Vle<w,  he 
has  not  the  candor  to  acknowledge  it.  His  remarks  even  here, 
are  mixed  with  a  malignity  that  betrays  his  defign.  The  merit 
of  ability  is  fcarcely  allowed  Mr.  Burr.  He  fpoke  ably  upon 
one  queftion,  fays  this  faftidlous  gentleman,  becaufe  he  was  evi- 
dently in  the  majority.  On  the  other  he  difplayed  no  eloquence, 
no  zeal,  becaufe  it  was  fuppofed  a  majority  of  federalifts  were 


28 

oppofed  to  him.  So  that  whether  Mr.  Burr  fpoke  or  not, 
whether  he  was  eloquent  or  othenvife,  whether  inactive  or 
zealous,  cenfure  equally  awaits  him.  Nothing  can  fave  him 
from  the  charge  of  favoring  federalifm.  The  matchlefs  penetra- 
tion of  his  biographer,  difcovers  a  treafonable  defign  in  every 
aft,  a  fpectre  in  every  bufh.  All  however  was  hid  from 
vulgar  vifion.  It  was  permitted  none,  but  the  fagacious  au- 
thor of  The  View,  to  penetrate  the  heart,  to  analyze  the  inten- 
tions, and  elucidate  the  myflerious  conduct  of  Mr.  Burr.  Po- 
licy however,  mould  have  taught  him  to  withhold  cenfure,  when 
applaufe  was  manifeftly  due.  But  bafenefs  and  iniquity,  arc 
doomed  by  Providence  to  bear  within  themfelves  the  means  of 
detection,  and  the  unerring  finger  of  juflice  will  point  to  their 
fecret  views,  and  lead  to  the  punifhment  of  guilt. 

THE  talents  of  Mr.  Burr  are  next  called  in  queftion.  From 
the  terror  however  which  his  enemies  exhibit,  I  am  difpofed  to 
doubt  their  fincerity.  The  hardieft  among  them  tremble,  when 
he  is  induced  to  exercife  and  difplay  them.  They  view  his  ge- 
nius with  humility,  and  fhrink  from  competition.  But  as  it  is 
foreign  to  my  purpofe,  and  certainly  needlefs,  to  examine  the 
extent  of  Mr.  Burr's  abilities,  I  muft  be  permitted  to  confine 
royfelf  to  thofe  occafions  upon  which  his  principles  and  motives 
have  been  the  fubjefts  of  animadverfion. 

His  induftry  in  inftituting  and  obtaining  a  charter  for  the 
Manhattan  Company,  needs  no  comment.  Its  utility  is  fo  well 
known,  and  admitted,  that  the  approbation  of  tke  community 
cannot  now  be  diverted  from  its  projector.  If  he  derived  pecu- 
niary advantages  from  it,  many  others  certainly  did  the  fame. 
But  as  ufual  wherever  any  evils  arife,  either  from  the  nature  of 
the  tranfadlion,  or  from  its  progreffive  effecls,  they  are  afcribed 
to  Mr.  Burr,  and  none  of  its  advantages  muft.  be  allowed  him. 
Thus  though  the  Manhattan  Company,  upon  every  rational  cal- 
culation promifed  innumerable  benefits  to  the  citizens  of  New- 


29 

York,  many  of  which  hare  certainly  been  realized;  yet  it  af- 
forded Mr.  Burr  pecuniary  accommodations,  and  the  Jlreets  of 
the  city  have  not  been  purified.  It  has  therefore  been  introduced 
into  the  "  View  of  his  political  conduft"  as  an  objed  of  cen- 
fure.  Oh!  fhame,  where  is  thy  blufh  ! 

ALTHOUGH  the  tax  law,  which  it  is  faid  originated  with  the 
vice-prefident,  has  not  been  found  perfectly  convenient  in  its 
practical  provifions,  I  think  it  would  embarrafs  the  ingenuity  of 
his  enemies,  to  find  aught  like  treafon  in  it,  or  to  fhew  that  the 
ait  for  the  relief  of  infolvent  debtors  had  any  connection  with, 
fcJcralifm. 

THESE  charges  fhould  have  been  pa  tied  over  with  the  con- 
tempt they  merit,  had  I  not  felt  a  conviction  that  the  charge  of 
evafion,  would  hereafter  have  been  urged  agaimt  me.  It  is  cer- 
tainly unneceflary  to  pay  them  any  farther  attention,  as  the 
moft  common  capacity  can  difcover  the  malice  that  gave  them 
birth. 

WE  have  now  travelled  through  the  celebrated  ftffion  of 
1798,  and  (lightly  touched  upon  the  points  raifed  by  the  au- 
thor of  The  Vh'w,  to  (hake  the  well-earned  popularity  of  Mr. 
Burr.  We  fhall  foon  proceed  to  a  more  interefting  period; 
here,  Amply  requefting  the  reader  to  imprefs  upon  his  mind^ 
that  all  the  circumftances  which  have  been  referred  to,  the 
wavering  conduct  afcribed  to  Mr.  Burr,  and  which  we  have 
been  told  rendered  him  not  only  fufpe&ed  by,  but  obnoxious  to 
his  party,  are  ftated  to  have  occurred  two  years  before  he  was 
in  nomination  for  the  vioprefidency.  Mr.  Burr's  instability 
of  principle,  therefore,  muit  have  been  perfectly  known  to  the 
author  of  The  Ficw'm  1798,  and  in  1800  he  not  only  wifhed 
for,  but  afiillcd  in  railing  him  to  the  fecund  office  in  the  go.  • 
vernment. 

IF  Mr.  Burr  in  1798,  had  manifefted  a  want  of  attachment 
to  republican  principle,  and  fo  coufpicuouily  favoured  federal 

E 


f 


30 

fchetnes,  would  he  in  1 800  have  been  advanced  to  the  elevated 
ftation  he  now  holds?  Would  not  his  political  defection  have 
been  circulated  throughout  the  union,  and  the  remoteft  borders 
of  the  country  have  refounded  the  anathemas  of  the  friends  he 
had  betrayed?  Or  was  there  no  patriotic  voice  to  proclaim  his 
-infamy  ;  to  warn  the  people  of  their  danger,  and  fave  them  from 
difgrace  ?  The  author  of  The  F"ieivt  &c.  that  guardian  of  the 
public  weal,  was  furely  in  our  land,  and  from  the  proofs  he  has 
furnifhed  of  his  induflry,  it  cannot  fairly  be  inferred  that  he  fo 
/hamefully  (lumbered  at  his  poft.  If  Mr.  Burr's  conduct,  at 
that  period,  had  been  fuch  as  is  now  represented,  it  could  not 
have  efcaped  his  attention.  No  one  who  has  not  fallen  a  viftim 
to  infanity,  will  believe,  that  if  the  circumflances  now  fo  mi- 
nutely detailed,  had  occurred  in  1798,  that  they  would  have 
been  buried  in  oblivion  until  1802.  No  difcerning  mind  can 
refift  the  perfuafion,  that  all  the  aflertions  we  have  noticed,  are 
bafelefs  fabrications,  without  even  the  femblance  of  probability 
to  ftipport  them,  conjured  up  by  malignity  and  fraud,  to  de_ 
ceivc  the  public  andanfwer  the  purpofes  of  proud  and  unprin- 
cipled ambition. 

IT  is  true,  as  ftated,  that  in  1799,  the  vice-prefident  was  not 
in  the  legiflature.  From  the  infidious  manner  in  which  this  cir- 
cnrr.ftance  is  mentioned,  it  is  evidently  intended  to  raife  a  pre- 
fumption  in  the  mind  of  the  reader,  that  his  conduct  in  the  pre- 
ceding year,  had  deprived  him  of  the  confidence  of  the  people, 
and  was  the  caufe  why  he  was  not  again  returned;  while  the 
truth  is,  that  Mr.  Burr  was  nominated,  and  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  republican  ticket.  This  clearly  evinced  that  the  efteem 
in  which  he  had  been  held  by  his  fellow-citizens,  was  undimi- 
',  and  exhibits  another  inftance  of  the  mamelefs  audacity 
of  this  afiaffin  of  private  worth  and  public  virtue.  By  an  un- 
forefeen  concurrence  of  circumftances  however,  the  whole  re- 
publican ticket  was  loft  at  this  election.  Federalifm  triumphed 


for  a  moment,  and  threatened  the  proftration  of  republicanifm 
in  the  ftate,  and  a  continuance  of  the  terrific  reign  of  1798. 
This  circumftance,  and  the  awful  afpcd  of  public  affairs,  alarm- 
ed  the  energy,  and  at  the  enfuing  election,  called  forth  tl 

tivity  and  talents  of  Mr.  Burr. 

"    IT  has  been  attempted,  and  with  fome  ingenuity,  to  depn 
Mr.  Burr  of  the  applaufe  he  merited  upon  that  occafion,  and 
Which  was  cheerfully  yielded  by  every  clafs  of  his  fcllow-c 
I*:  who  witneCed  his  exertions.     With  the  infidioufnefs  that 
•™  naffe  of  the  produaion  under  examination,  it  has 
T      ftTed  ,h  t   he  vice.^Ment  was  not  in  the  legiflature  in 
and  ha'the  aro,^,nen,s  for  the  annual  cledions,  are 

S£  f-asit  rdate,  to  the  eWion  of  members  rfdfanWy. 
-     T  Ls  indeed  been  ufual  beiore  the  rifing  of  the  legitou, 

the  tme  objea  of  elevens.     The  el     .  rf 

«"~  j 


an 


tolratcdbya  fenfible  and  enlightened 


32 

WITH  great  poirp  are  the  people  annually  told,  that  the 
corflitution  and  laws  of  our  country  have  recognized  them,  as 
the  fource  from  which  all  political  confequence  and  power  is  to 
emanate.  But  to  what  purpofe  has  this  right  been  confirmed  to 
them,  if  they  fuffer  themfelves  to  be  enfnared  by  the  electioneer- 
ing tricks  of  a  faction,  cajoled  into  the  fupport  of  meafures  in 
direct  hoftility  to  their  own  rights,  and  influenced  to  return  as 
members  of  the  legiflature,  men  defignated  by  the  legislature 
itfelf  ?  It  behoves  the  electors  of  the  fenatorial  diilricb,  to 
check  this  iniquitous  procedure,  to  afiert  and  exercife  their 
exclufive  right  of  nominating,  as  well  as  electing  fenators  to  re- 
prefent  them. 

IN  vain  it  will  be  faid,  thatthefe  informal  feleclions,  made  at 
the  feat  of  government,  are  promulgated  only  as  recommenda- 
tory meafures,  and  that  the  people  may  rejecl  them  if  they 
plcafe.  Every  one  who  underftands  the  combinations  of  po- 
litical power,  the  force  with  which  opinions  circulate,  and  the 
unthinking  hafte  with  which  the  expediency  of  a  meafure  is  ac- 
knowledged, when  aided  by  fuch  an  influential  impulfe,  will 
readily  perceive  the  futility  of  this  fuggeftion.  Experience  has 
fhewn  the  evil  confequences  of  this  legiflative  interference  in 
proceedings  which  mould  originate  with,  and  be  conducted  ex- 
clufively  by  the  people.  Practice  has  conclufively  evinced  that 
it  fnould  be  difcontinued,  by  evolving  the  perilous  effects  it  is 
calculated  to  produce. 

IN  confequence  of  thefe  premature  and  unauthorifed  arrange- 
ments, the  fenatorial  diftridls  of  the  ftate  frequently  have  been 
reprefented  by  men  who  were  not  only  dcilitute  of  claims  to 
their  confidence,  but  obnoxious  to  a  majority  of  the  electors. 
Ambrofe  Spencer,  a  man  as  notorioufly  infamous  as  the  legiti- 
mate offspring  of  treachery  and  fraud  can  pofiibly  be,  has  twice 
been  thus  impofed  upon  the  middle  diftricl  as  its  fenator,  when 
not  a  folitary  town  in  any  of  the  counties  that  compofe  it,  could 


be  found  to  nominate  him.  Nurfed  from  his  infancy  in  the  lap 
of  corruption,  he  difgraced  his  conftituents,  and  with  the  fmile 
of  a  traitor  on  his  face,  uniformly  betrayed  their  interefts.  With 
a  heart  "  corrupt  and  rotten  to  the  very  core,"  nothing  but  a 
"  quid  pro  quo"  could  coerce  him  into  the  path  of  honor.  He  is 
governed  by  no  principles  or  feelings,  but  thofe  which  avarice  and 
unprincipled  ambition  infpire.  The  whole  courfeof  his  life  ex- 
hibits an  unvaried  fcene  of  vulgar  deceit  and  bafe-born  villainy, 
unequalled  in  the  liveliefl  hiftory  of  human  vice.  Having  at 
the  commencement  of  his  political  career,  attached  himfelf  to 
the-  federal  party,  he  ailed  faithfully  with  them  until  the  end  of 
oar  1798.  At  that  period  he  was  a  member  of  the  coun- 
cil of  appointment,  and  with  charafleriftic  ferocity,  advifedthe 
iudifcriminate  ejection  of  republicans  from  office,  and  is  his  own 
peculiar  and  elegant  phrafeology  declared,  that  with  him*  "  re- 
publican and  rafcal  were  fynonimous  terms." 

EARLY  in  1799,  impreffed  with  a  conviction  that  he  had 
ferved  his  party  and  its  principles  with  fidelity,  he  fought,  as 
ufual,  a  compensation  for  his  fervices. 

ABOUT  this  period,  the  office  of  comptroller  was  vacant,  by 
the  refignation  of  Mr.  Jones,  and  on  that  the  patriotic  Mr. 
Spencer  fixed  his  hopes.  Mr.  Jay,  however,  underflood  his 
character,  and  rejected  his  application  with  difdain.  Mortified 
and  difappointed,  moved  by  malice,  and  fired  with  refentment, 
he  burft  the  frail  ligaments  that  bound  him  to  his  party,  and 
leapt  at  once  into  the  bofom  of  his  former  enemies.  By  them, 
to  their  fhame,  he  has  been  cheriflied.  And  by  the  worft  com- 
bination of  individual  folly,  with  the  perverfenefs  of  party  fpirit, 
he  has  been  hurried  through  a  variety  of  lucrative  and  honorable 
appointments.  Without  the  aid  of  genius,  or  a  fingle  virtue, 
lie  has  been  raifed  to  an  elvated  ftation,  by  which  the  reputa- 
tion of  the  party  has  been  heedlefsly  endangered,  its  honor 
degraded  and  betrayed.  For  what  purpofes  this  infult  has  been 

*  /  a:n  informed  i'jefe  "Mere  his  preclfe  words. 


offered  to  the  dignity  of  the  ftate,  cannot  be  conjectured.  For 
none  certainly  that  can  juftify  this  outrage  upon  the  feelings  of 
the  public.  Difcerning  men,  however,  anticipate  fome  falutary 
effects  from  it.  For  as  in  ancient  times  vice  was  rendered  odious 
by  expofing  its  deformity;  fo  now,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  the  exhi- 
bition of  this  difgufting  monument  of  human  depravity,  will 
neutralize  vicious  fpirits,  and  correct  the  moral  fentiments  of 
the  people. 

BY  beftowing  fo  much  attention  upon  an  object  notorioufly 
unworthy  of  it,  I  have  deviated  a  little  from  the  confined  plan 
I  had  intended  to  purfue ;  and  mall  return  to  the  confideration 
of  the  election  in  1 800,  in  which  Mr.  Burr  bore  fo  confpicu- 
ous  a  part. 

WITHOUT  the  fear  of  contradiction,  I  afcribe  to  Mr.  Burr 
the  fuccefs  of  that  election.  Convinced  that  a  majority  of  the 
citizens  of  New- York  were  then,  as  they  are  now,  infpired 
with  correct  political  opinions,  I  am  far  from  believing  that 
this  aufpicious  victory  was  obtained  by  any  fudden  or  extraor- 
dinary converfions.  But  it  was  the  unequalled  activity,  the  tm- 
ceafing  zeal  and  laborious  induflry  of  Mr.  Burr,  that  roufed  the 
latent  republicanifm  of  the  community.  It  was  his  happy  ar- 
rangements, and  a  mod  minute  attention  to  their  execution, 
that  brought  every  republican  elector  to  the  polls.  His  elo- 
quence animated  the  old,  and  inflamed  the  young.  His  per- 
fonal  remonftrance  and  example,  moved  to  action  each  dejected 
patriot,  and  gave  vigor  to  every  movement. 

THE  f election  of  gentlemen  to  compofe  the  ticket,  was  alfo 
originally  made  by  colonel  Burr,  and  fubfequently  fanctioned 
by  a  general  meeting  of  the  citizens.  The  choice  was  peculi- 
arly fortunate.  It  was  neceflary  to  fccure  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  by  foliciting  their  fufFrages  for  men  of  acknowledged 
merit,  whofe  attachment  to  the  original  principles  of  the  revo- 
lution could  not  be  queftioned,  and  in  whofe  fupport  all  repub- 
licans would  probably  be  united.  Several  gentlemen,  however, 


35 

influenced  by  unmanly  doubts  of  fuccefs  and  fear  of  the  ani- 
madverfions  of  political  opponents,  withheld  their  names  to 
the  lad  moment ;  a  moment  on  which  they  knew  the  fate  of 
the  party  was  fufpended.  Nothing  but  the  livelieft  reprefenta_ 
tion  of  public  necefiity,  and  the  critical  conjuncture  to  which 
the  affairs  of  the  country  were  progreffing,  could  have  induced 
them  to  become  candidates  upon  that  occafion. 

INFLUENCED  by  thefe  confiderations,  even  the  hero  of  Sara- 
toga, left  for  a  moment  his  retirement,  and  added  his  refpe&ed 
name  to  the  lift  of  candidates,  as  a  pledge  of  his  unabated  zeal 
for  the  public  good.  Governor  Clinton,  however,  remained  un- 
moved by  the  moft  earned  folicitations;  and  with  matchlefs 
firmnefs  refifted  the  arguments  of  Mr.  Burr,  who  forcibly  af- 
ferted,  that  it  was  a  right  inherent  in  the  community,  to  com- 
mand the  fervices  of  an  individual  when  the  nature  of  public 
exigencies  feemed  to  require  it.  He  was  inflexible  to  the  laft, 
and  then  was  nominated  and  elected  without  a  diftindl  exprefiion 
of  his  approbation.  Juftice,  however,  induces  me  to  acknow- 
ledge that  the  reafons  he  affigned  for  the  reluctance  with  which 
he  acted,  were  plaufible  and  potent.  He  explicitly  declared, 
that  he  had  long  entertained  an  unfavorable  opinion  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferfon's  talents  as  a  Jlatefman  and  his  Jirmnefs  as  a  republican. 
That  he  conceived  him  an  accommodating  trimmer ,  who  would 
change  with  times  and  bend  to  circumjlances  for  the  purpofes  of '  per- 
fonal  promotion.  ImpreJJed  <wilh  thefe  fentiments,  he  could  not, 
with  propriety,  he  faid,  acquicfce  in  the  elevation  of  a  man  dejlituie 
of  the  qualifications  ejfcntial  to  the  good  admitijlration  of  the  go- 
vernment; and  added  other  expreffions  too  vulgar  to  be  here  re- 
peated. But,  faid  he,  with  energy,  ;/  Mr.  Burr  was  the  can- 
didate fo'-  the  prefidential  chair,  I  would  a£l  with  pleaf are  and 
with  vigor.* 

*  Irisfo  notorious  that  th'f?  were  Grvernor  Clinton's  fenti- 
menis,  that  it  is  fcarcely  neceJJ'ary  to '/•  oduce  authority  to  prove  if. 


36 

AN  unreftrained,  but  decent  exprcffion  of  individual  opinion, 
is  a  right  I  have  always  cherifhed,  and  ioved  to  exercife.  The 
language  of  Mr.  Clinton,  therefore,  upon  this  occafion,  I  can- 
not cenfure.  At  any  other  time  it  would  have  been  manly  and 
correct.  But  as  the  general  principles  of  his  party  were  pecu- 
liarly involved  in  that  controverfy,  his  conduct  was  impolitic, 
unjmlifiable,  and  weak. 

WHAT  has  been  advanced  relative  to  the  election  of  1800, 
to  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Burr,  and  that  of  Mr.  Clinton,  is  ftrictly 
juil  and  impartial.  A  witnefs  to  the  trar.faftions  of  that  day, 
and  knowing  the  truth  of  the  facts  here  related,  I  cheerfully  in- 
rite  inveftigation. 

THE  fuccefsful  refalt  of  the  election  in  the  city  of  New- York, 
decided  the  political  character  of  the  ilate;  and  by  direct  con- 
fequences  gave  a  republican  adrainiflration  to  the  government  of 
the  union.  When  the  vaft  accsffion  of  ftrength  to  the  repub- 
lican caufe,  derived  from  the  fuccefs  of  our  ftate  election,  is  juftly 
eftimated,  I  believe  the  accuracy  of  this  afiertion  will  not  be 
queilioned.  The  exertions  and  fervices  of  Mr.  Burr  therefore, 
when  confidered  in  all  their  important  effects,  cannot  be  fuffici- 

To  remove  loivner  every  dc:d-t  from  the  reader's  mind,  I  will  re- 
fer him  to  Mr.  David  Geljlon,  Mr.  John  Mills,  Mr.  J.  Swart- 
wr.it,  or  Mr.  M.  L.  Davis,  In  whofe  prefence  theft  fintimenta, 
and  many  others  more  dlfrefpetlful,  If  pojf.lle,  were  uttfcd.  It 
•was  at  the  hoitfe  cf  Mr.  Burr,  who  anticipating  the  evil  confe- 
quences  that  at  that  critical  moment  would  refult  from  fuck  caniluct 
in  Governor  Clinton,  Infjled  before  he  left  the  houfe,  that  J:e  JJjouhl 
promifi  his  friends  to  dzftjl  from  vfing  fuch  language,  previous  to  or 
during  the  cLti':in.  Ibis  was  very  reluSantly  compiled  with  on  the 
fait  of  Mr.  Clinton. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  this,  thty  were  continually  reiterated  ly  his 
fan,  who  publicly  and  loudly  animadverted  ufcn  toe  character  of 
Mr.  Jejferfon,  with  the  mojl  vulgar  fiverltv.  Slrnlar  fmt'r^entt 
were  certainly  entertained  by  all  Govern?,-  Clinton's  cur.necr.-r.s,  as 
then-  cvndiiti- dunr.g  the  eleZlon-c'  •  Z/<?  Witt 

Clinton  ttrcugb  the  whole  ccntejl  never  (ipp°~.nd  at  the  £c/!, 
obferved  ih:  mojljhamrful  indifference  and  Inactivity. 


cnt\y  appreciated.     They  deferve  the  applaufe  .and^ratitude  of 
every  .patriot,  and  the  general  admiration  of  the  country. 

THAT  the  author  of  The  Vkw  mould  declare,  that  Mr.  Burr 
Jiad  "  no  claim- to  a  fliare  of  the. merit  of  the  .general  fuccefs," 
is  not  Angular.  That  writer.has  forfeited  all  claims  to  integrity 
and  truth.  His  .general  undifcriminatiqg  invetlives,  defeat  the 

•effects  of  his.malignity.  .But  that  n  man,  who. has  fome  reputfl- 
•tion  to  fave,  and  a  character  to  fuftaiu,  mould  repeat  the  calum- 
ny, is  marvellous. 

MR.  QSGOOD,  that  pious  expounder  of  the. prophecies,  has 

.been, heard  to  declare  with  the  folamnity  of  a  Turi,  that  Mr. 
Burr's  exertions,  at  the  ekction.in  1800,  were  uneffcntial,  anjd 

.gave  not  a  vote  to  the  republican  candidates.  When  a  man  is 
the  iimocent-inltrument  of  promulgating  a  falftiood,  he  deferv«s 
compaffion;  but  when  he. is  actuated  by  malice,  aud.propagates 

•it  for  thejpurpofes  of  flander  and  impoH'i-ion,  he  merits  chaftife- 

:inent.    Where  was  this  gentleman's  confciwice,  \vhen  he  uttered 

-this  aflertion?  -Had-it  flown  to  Washington  in  fearchof  an  of- 
fice ?  Or  did  his  envy  and  malice  fet  all  moral  obligations  at  defi- 
ance ?  "'Tell  the  truth,  ami  lie  not,"  is  an  injiinclioq,  which  it 

•was  to  be'hoped,  he:had  met  with,  in  his, religious  refearchcf, 
and  would  have  retrained  the  effervefcence  of  his  native  propeo- 
fity;  would  have  checked  his  invidious  inliauatious,  aad  his^/Ty 

^departures  from  -rectitude  of  thought.     But  fome  men  are  bom 

chypocrites.  Neither  the  pure  and  energetic  eloquence  of  the 
gofpel,  nor  the  dread  of  univerfal  deteftation  can  force  them  out 

fof  tlie  creaked  path  of  raifchief  and  deceit."* 

*  THIS  man,  with  whom  the  Clinton  family  are  conneSed  ly 
marriage,  and  -who  now  -wtftes  to  derogate  from  the  merit  nf  Mr. 
JBvrr.vpan  the  occafitn  dlbidal  to,  although -be  /Mid  been  ieluaaiitly 
nominated  as  a  candidate,  uftd  every  effort  to  frujlraie  the  election 
of  the  republican  ticket.  He  declared : publicly  tiat  exer lions  were 
vfelefs;  that  t/xre  <aj as  no  .profpeS  of  fuccefs ;  .and  tliat-to.  caniexd 
i  tbe.fideralijis,  was  a  wiki-projeS  yf  Mr.  Burr,  t&at 
F 


55 

HOWETER  tenacious  a  gentleman  may  be  of  his  reputation* 
it  can  derive  no  injury  from  treating  with  due  refpeft,  the  ho- 
fieft  and  upright  naen  of  every  denomination.  Such  conduct  is 
laudable  and  proper.  It  manifefts  an  enlarged  mind,  a  generous 
difpofition,  and  an  eftimable  liberality  of  thought.  But  that  a 
profejjed  lover  of  religion,  fhould  brealfajl,  dine,  and  fup  with 
James  Cheetham,  an  open  blafphemer  of  his  God,  a  reviler  of 
his  Saviour,  and  a  confpirator  againft  the  religious  eftablifhments 
of  his  country,  is  a  proof  of  hypocrify,  that  mould  banim  him 
from  all  religious  fociety.  That  a  man  who  proclaims  his  at- 
tachment to  the  do ctrines  of  chriftianity,  mould  the  moment  he 
has  clofed  the  facred  volume  of  truth,  affift  in  framing  and  dif- 
feminating  the  moft  envenomed  fcurrility,  is  ample  teftimony  of 
the  fhamelefs  infmcerity  of  his  profeffions,  and  at  variance  with 
every  known  principle  of  moral  juftice.  It  is,  however,  for  Mr. 
Ofgood  to  reconcile  this  conduct  to  his  confcience.  If  after  htf 
has  read  thefe  obfervations  he  remains  callous  to  remorfe,  I  mall 
attempt  more  potent  applications,  and  hope  by  perfeverance  to 
convert  him. 

I  HATE  noticed  this  afiertion  of  Mr.  Ofgood,  for  the  fatisfac- 
tion  of  thofe  only,  who  did  not  witnefs  the  proceedings  at  our 
election  in  1 800.  Thofe  who  did,  know  its  fallacy. 

THIS  year  Mr.  Burr  was  elected  a  member  of  the  legislature, 
by  the  patriotic  county  of  Orange.  A  county  celebrated  for 
its  attachment  to  the  found  principles  of  the  revolution,  which 
it  has  ever  fupported  with  firmnefs  and  alacrity. 

IN  the  month  of  May  1800,  which  was  foon  after  the  fuccefs 
of  our  ftate  elections  was  known,  the  nominations  for  the  pre- 
fidency  and  vice-prefidency  were  made  at  Philadelphia,  the« 
the  feat  of  government.  It  is  ftated  by  the  author  of  The 

terminate  in  defeat.  This  if  one  of  the  men,  ivho  now  refufes  Mr. 
Burr  any  credit  upon  that  occajion,  and  ivho  are  endeavoring  to  dt- 
him  of  the  honort  tbatjbould  have  rtfulttd from  his  labors. 


s§ 

Flttv,  &c.  that  "  it  was  deemed  expedient,  that  the  candidate 
for  the  vice-prefidency,  mould  be  taken  from  among  the  citizens 
of  New- York."  That  Governor  Clinton  had  declined  to  fecve; 
that  the  deafnefs  of  Chancellor  Livingfton  was  an  infuperable 
objection  to  his  nomination,  and  that  Mr.  Burr  was  chofen,  be- 
caufe  his  character  was  little  known."  This  is  a  novel  reafon, 
to  be  fure,  for  elevating  a  man  to  the  fecond  office  in  the  govern- 
ment. It  is  a  direft  infult  upon  thofe  who  made  the  feleclion. 
Equally  prepofterous  is  it  to  fuppofe,  that  a  gentleman  who  wa» 
twice  in  fucceffion,  nominated  for  the  vice-prefidency,  who  had 
been  in  the  fenate  of  the  union,  mould  be  fcarcely  known  be- 
yond  the  limits  of  his  native  flate. 

THESE  pitiful  attempts  to  detract  from  the  celebrity  and  me- 
rit of  the  vice-prefident,  will  be  eafily  perceived  by  the  intelli- 
gent men  in  diftant  ftates.  To  them  their  malignity  muft  be 
manifeft.  For  them,  however,  they  were  not  intended  by  their 
author.  They  were  calculated  for  domeftic  purpofes.  To  im- 
pofe  upon  the  inhabitants  of  our  own  ftate ;  thofe  particularly, 
who  from  their  local  fituation  cannot  be  minutely  acquainted 
with  the  political  operations  of  the  general  government,  or  dif- 
cern  with  accuracy  the  motives  that  influence  great  political  ar- 
rangements. I  am  perfuaded,  however,  their  good  fenfe  will 
detect  thefe  fmifter  views,  and  rejeft  with  difdain  the  impref- 
fions  thefe  attempts  were  intended  to  produce. 

THOSE  who  have  vifited  the  remote  parts  of  the  United 
States  can  teftify,  that  there  was  no  private  gentleman  in  the 
union,  who  was  more  univerfally  known,  whofe  political  cha- 
racter was  better  underftood,  and  whofe  fervices  in  the  caufe  of 
the  republican  party,  were  more  readily  acknowledged  and  more 
highly  eftimated,  than  thofe  of  Mr.  Burr.  It  was  a  knowledge 
of  thofe  fervices,  of  his  exalted  talents,  and  of  his  attachment 
to  correct  principles  of  government,  that  produced  his  nomina- 
tjon  to  the  vice-prefideucy;  that  gave  him  an  equality  of  votes 


\viih  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and"  placed1  him  in  the  fecond  offlte  in  the 
government.  If  he  was  unknown,  it  was  only  to  that  band  of 
bafe  and  hired  calumniators,  with  whom  he  refufcd  to  hold  com- 
munion ;  whom  he  has  ever  confidered  as  pells  to  fociety;  whofe 
deftructive  and  diforganizing  projects  he  has  uniformly  oppofcd', 
whofe  hatred  he  has  incurred;  whofe  malice  and  refentment  he 
has  thus  drawn  down  upon  him.  Before  this  examination  is- 
clofed,  thefe  remarks  will  be  elucidated,  and,  I  truft,  to  the  {sa- 
tisfaction of  the  public. 

WHETHER  Jeafnrfs  was  among  the  influential  objections  to 
Chancellor  Livingiton's  nomination,  I  do  not  know.  But  that 
there  prevailed  an  uncommon  want  of  confidence  m  his  political 
{lability,  is  certain.  He  was  fuppofed,  and  juftlyr  deftitute  of 
that  folid  and  ufeful  knowledge  fo  effential  to  the  character  of 
a  ftatefman.  Inftead  of  a  man  poflefifed  of  ata  energetic,  vigor- 
ous mind,  capable  of  fteady  application,  and  forcible  inquiry,  he 
was  deemed  a  capricious,  vrfionary  tbeorift,  cternaHy  wandering 
in  fancy's  fairy  fields.  Heedlefs  of  important  and  laborious  pur- 

fuits,  at  which  his  frivolous  mind  revolted,  he  was  believed  la- 

• 

mentably  deficient  in  the  practical  knowledge  of  a  politician. 
Although  it  was  well  known  to  his  friends  that  thefe  fentiments 
were  generally  entertained,  fo  great  was  their  lolicrtude  upon 
the  occafion,  that  with  the  confent  of  Mr.  Burr,  Mr.  Living- 
fton  was  firft  propofed  to  the  meeting  at  Philadelphia,  and  re- 
jected by  a  large  majority. 

BY  whom  it  was  underftood  that  Govelmor  Clinton  '*  had  de- 
clined to  ferve  as  vice-prefident,"  I  do  $flt  know.  He  may  to 
be  fure  fqueamifhly,  though  juftly  have  remarked,  that  he  was 
«'  too  old,  and  that  it  was  an  honor  to  which  he  was  not  enti- 
tled." But  I  very  well  know,  that  he  actually  fighed  for  that 
nomination.  That  his  connections  were  indefatigable  to  obtain 
it,  until  they  found  that  the  republicans  in  this  rtate,  as  well  as 
abroad;  had  conclufively  determined  in  favor  of  Mr.  Burr. 


41 

They  had  deliberately  examined  the  talents  and  pietenfions  of 
the  two  gentlemen,  and  as  Mr.  Brockholft  Livingfton,  with 
great  propriety  obferved,  "  after  taking  all  things  into  confi- 
deration,  it  was  deemed  moil  expedient  to  recommend  the  no- 
mination of  Mr.  Burr." 

RESPECT  for  the  feelings  of  an  old  man,  required  that  thofe 
proceedings  fliould  be  conducted  with  delicacy.  The  connec- 
tions of  governor  Clinton,  with  cheerfuhiefs  therefore,  were  al- 
lowed to  declare  that  he  had  declined  the  nomination ;  but 
the  feelings  which  this  difappointment  infpired  could  not  be 
concealed.  About  this  period  I  heard  Mr.  George  I.  Eacker 
declare,  with  much  afperity,  (rather  iucautioufly  to  be  fure) 
that  Mr.  Clinton  had  been  treated  with  great  injuftice,  that  he 
wifhed  to  hare  been  nominated  for  the  vice-prefidency,  and  ought 
tohave  been  gratified.  This  gentleman  is  an  intimate  and  devoted 
friend  to  the  governor.  Independent,  therefore,  of  the  know- 
ledge of  thofe  who  were  confulted  upon  that  occafion,  and  of 
all  pofitive  proof,  this  collateral  circumftance  alone,  is  amply 
fufficient  to  eftablim  the  fact  in  queftion.  It  exhibits  moft  de- 
cifively  the  wounded  and  reftlefs  jealoufy  of  Mr.  Clinton's  advo- 
cates. It  accounts  fatisfactorily  for  the  abufe  they  have  fince 
fo  liberally  beftowed  upon  Mr.  Burr.  This  difappointment 
confirmed  their  long  cheriihed  enmity.  It  exafperated  their 
envy.  It  wounded  their  malice,  and  on  the  altar  of  ambition 
they  fwore  revenge.  They  have  accordingly  profecuted  their 
nefarious  purpofes  with  a  zeal  unequalled  in  the  black  annals  of 
ambition.  No  means,  however  difhonorable  or  dark  have  been 
left  uneflayed,  to  ruin  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Burr,  thus  to 
gratify  their  wounded  pride,  to  allay  their  thiril  for  power,  and 
footh  the  irritable  vanity  of  dotage. 

IN  the  month  of  October  in  this  year  (1800)  the  legiflaturff 
met  at  Albany,  for  the  purpofc  of  choofing  the  electors  for  prefi- 
dcnt  and  vice-prefideat  of  the  United  States.  That  object  wa» 


42 

accompli  filed.     The  federalifts  having  loft  their  majority  in  the 
legiflature,  twelve  republican  ele&ors  were  fele&ed. 

As  the  legiflature  had  been  convened  exprefsly  for  this  pur- 
pofe,  no  other  bufmefs  of  importance  was  tranfa&ed,  except 
choofing  a   new   council   of  appointment.      Although    fomc 
doubts  were  entertained  as  to  the  conftitutionality  of  making  the 
choice  at  that  time,  Mr.  Burr  and  a  majority  of  the  legiflature 
were  in  favor  of  the  meafure.    A  council  was  accordingly  elect- 
ed.    Mr.  De  Witt  Clinton  was  taken  from  the  fouthern,  and 
Ambrofe  Spencer  from  the  middle  diftrift.     Thefe  gentlemen, 
aware  of  the  importance  of  this  appointment,  at  the  moment 
the  government  was  to  pafs  from  the  hands  of  the  federaliflt 
into  thofe  of  the  republicans,  had  fpared  no  pains  to  fecure 
their  election.     From  the  important  powers  veiled  in  the  coun- 
cil, they  fondly  hoped  to  derive  an  extenfive  influence.     Ele- 
vated with  the  intoxicating  profpe&s  of  foon  emerging  from 
obfcurity,  and  becoming  the  inflrurnents  to  difpenfe  public  fa- 
Tors,  they  in  a  moil  humiliating  manner,  folicited  every  confpi- 
cuous  member  of  the  legiflature  for  his  vote  and  influence.     Mr. 
Burr  was  not  left  unharrafied  for  a  moment,  until  fatigued  with 
importunities  he  incautioufly  aflented  to  the  meafure.   Although 
convinced  that  they  were  inimical  to  his  approaching  elevation, 
and  jealous  of  his  political  importance,  yet  he  had  no  concep- 
tion of  the  mifchief  they  meditated.     It  was  impoffible  to  anti- 
cipate the  extent  of  their  iniquitous  defigns.     No  reafonable 
man  could  fuppofe,  that  this  cafual  confequence  would  at  once 
be  converted  into  an  engine  to  accomplifli  the  purpofes  of  pri- 
vate ambition.     That  the  interefts  of  the  flate  would  be  heed- 
lefsly  abandoned,  the  oaths  of  office  difregarded,  and  all  public 
confiderations  trampled  under  foot,  or  fwallowed  up  in  the  de- 
ftruftive  vortex  of  individual  perfidy.     Thofe  who  knew  the 
characters  of  thefe  men,  oppofed  their  election.     They  knew 
them  deftitute  of  all  honor,  probity,  or  talents,  of  all  attack 


Kent  to  the  general  welfare,  abftra&ed  from  private  intercft. 
They  knew  that  no  obligations,  however  facred,  could  reftrain 
them  from  violating,  without  remorfe,thofe  plain  and  eternal  pre- 
cepts of  juftice  which  even  favagcs  refpedl. 

PARTY  fpirit  too,  at  this  period,  was  yet  at  its  heighth.  The 
fpirit  of  the  times,  it  was  thought,  required  the  employment  of 
agents  who  would  march  with  hardihood  over  the  barriers  that 
moral  duty,  private  honor,  or  political  rectitude  might  oppofe 
to  the  accomplishment  of  given  purpofes.  For  operations  of 
this  kind,  Mr.  DC  Witt  Clinton  and  Ambrofe  Spencer  were 
peculiarly  adapted.  Since  the  author  of  The  View,  &c.  ha» 
ftudioufly  avoided,  and  for  the  befl  of  reafons,  all  animadver- 
fions  upon  their  official  proceedings,  a  fhort  view  of  their  con- 
duct may  not  be  unwelcome  to  the  reader. 

As  Mr.  Clinton  is  believed  to  have  been  mofl  inftrumental  in 
directing  the  proceedings  of  the  council  of  appointment,  if  I 
devote  a  few  moments  attention  to  him,  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
eonfidered  as  a  mark  of  refpeft.  That  is  a  fentiment  to  which 
he  is  not  entitled.  It  is  his  public  ftation,  and  not  his  intrinfic 
merit,  that  juftifies  this  attention. 

THERE  is  a  fpecies  of  character  deflined  for  obfcurity,  but 
fome  times  rendered  confpicuous  by  fortuitous  circumftances ; 
which,  though  it  cannot  command  refpeft  by  bold  and  deci- 
five  iniquity,  bids  defiance  to  contempt.  Such  is  Mr.  Clin- 
ton's; and  fince  he  has  for  fome  time  apparently  pofTefled  a 
mare  of  popular  favor,  and  progreffed  with  fome  rapidity  ia 
the  road  to  political  eminence,  it  may  be  ufeful  and  intereftiiig 
to  review  his  public  conduct;  the  mode  in  which  he  obtained 
the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  the  fidelity  with  which  he 
has  difcharged  the  important  trufts  repofed  in  him.  As  he  hag 
avowed  himfelf  the  leader  of  a  faction,  which,  with  wild  and 
favage  impetuofity,  is  afiailing  at  once  the  peace  of  the  union 
and  the  eftablifhed  fyftem  of  our  eivil  policy;  wkich  is  rapidly 


advancing  in  its  revolutionary  labours,  and  with  irreligious  zeal 
difleminating  the  principles  of  infidelity,  and  propagating  new 
•political  dogmas,  rending  to  the  deftruclion  of  morality  and  the 
diflblution  of  the  federal  compaft,  I  fhall  be  juftified,  I  hope, 
in  bellowing  upon  his  merit  and  character,  a  few  moments  dif- 
.•paffionate  confideration. 

THE  man  who  is  the  acknowledged  leader  of  a  band  of  hired 
•calumniators,  is  in  a  great  meafure  refponfible  for  their  -guilt. 
Their  conducl,  and  its  confequences,  muft  be  afcribed  to  him; 
^nd  whatever  evils  may  be  produced,  he  .muft  juftify  them,  or 
fmk  under  the  weight  of  .public  indignation..  The  refultj  th$re- 
-fore,  of  the  attack  on  the  vice-prefident,  will  determine  Mr. 
•Clinton'*  fate.  -He  will  either  be  exalted  as  a  monument  of 
fuccefsful  iniquity,  or  be  re-configned  to  infignificance  and  CGR- 
rtempt.  From  the  period  that  elapfed  between  the  conception 
of  the  plan  and  the  commencement  of  hoftilities,  from  the  pre- 
•paratory  arrangements  that  %vere  made,  and -the  fecrei  aflbcia- 
•  tions  that  were  formed,  whetluer  at  New-York  or  elfewhere,  it 
was  eafily  forefeen  that  the  authors  of  the  .calumnies  againft  Mr. 
Burr,  would,  if  poffible,  conceal  their  names,  that  in  the  event 
-of  fiiccefs,  the  honor  might  be  fafely  claimed,  or  of  defeat,,  that 
popular  odium  might  be  eluded.  Thefe  determinations  were 
-certainly  the  refult  of  found  difcretion.  But  in  the  moment  of 
•*'  intemperance,"  warm  in  the  purfuit  of  viftory,  -and  {anguine 
-in' his  hopes,  ignorant  of  the  firmnefs  of  his  advcrfaries,  »f  the 
juftice  and  intelligence  of  the  people,  Mr.  Clinton  has  'pro- 
claimed himfelf  the  hero  here;  and  with  confidence  I  afiert,  that 
-he  will  ere  long  be  compelled  to  abandon  the  conteft,  to  rety 
'for  fefety  on  the  "  humanity"  of  the  country,  or  fcek  in-ok- 
Jfcu«ty,  refuge  from  difgrace. 

THOVGH  his  afual  ingenuity  may  bare  prompted  -the  wcpe- 

'Jdient  of  having  fome  abandoned  relative  or  tvorthlefs  infidel, 

ready  to  affume  the  refponSbiiity  of  every  libeLhe 


*hice>  I  ever  hate,  and  hereafter  (hall  confider  Mr.  Clinton  as 
the  real  author  of  two  late  publications,  entitled  A  Narrative^ 
Ac.  and  A  View  of  the  Political  ContluQ  of  Aaron  Burr.  In 
doing  this,  I  am  warranted  by  high  and  direft  authority,  cor- 
roborated  by  the  internal  evidence  the  works  afford,  by  the  lan- 
guage he  has  uttered,  and  the  conduct  he  has  invariably  pur- 
fued. 

IN  free  governments  h  is  a  wife  and  faUitary  maxim,  dictated 
by  prudence,  and  a  juft  and  rational  apprehenfion,  that  men  in 
•salted  Rations,  ftould  ever  be  viewed  with  jealoufy ;  that  their 
public  conduct  and  opinions  mould  be  examined  with  freedom. 
But  the  exercife  of  this  right  fhould  be  governed  by  public 
principles.  The  welfare  of  the  ftate  fhould  never  be  hazarded 
fcy  proftitirting  it  to  the  vile  purpofes  of  perfonal  envy.  The 
great  interefts  of  the  nation,  ftiould  not  be  blended  with  the 
meaner  objects  of  private  refentment.  The  real  friend  of  his 
Country,  will  fuft'er  no  fuch  unworthy  confederations  to  influence 
his  conduft.  When  the  government  which  he  loves,  is  in  dan- 
ger, he  will  ftand  forth  ks  open  and  manly  advocate,  he  will 
proclaim  himfelf  the  eneroy  of  fecret  treachery,  claim  in  per- 
fon  the  affiftance  of  the  people,  and  rely  on  their  virtue  for  lup- 
port.  The  mean,  ambitious  intriguer,  will  choofe  the  mode 
Mr.  Clinton  has  purf-ud.  He  will  feek,  by  malicious  whifpers 
and  ififidious  charges,  which  it  is  impoffible  to  difprove,  to  rain 
the  reputation  of  eve.  y  popular  man,  and  reduce  the  character 
of  every  fuperior  to  a  level  with  his  own. 

WHEN  I  mall  have  completed  my  examination  of  his  import - 
2nt  productions,  and  examined  the  pretended  difcoveries  they 
contain,  thefe  will  appear  to  be  the  "  unworthy  motives,"  that 
have  influenced  Mr.  Clinton  in  the  controverfy  with  Mr.  Burr. 
A  controverfy  which  in  its  afpeft  has  become  fo  important  a<  to 
attract  the  attention  of  America,  and  in  its  confequencea  may 
tend  to  a  -diffoltttton  of  the  unioa.  Jzi^jtani-ke-has  rciidercd 

G 


it.  He  has  called  on  every  litigious  fcoundrel  in  the  country  to 
blow  the  horn  of  civil  difcord.  Clerks,  furrogates  and  atton. 
nies,  have  been  enlifted  under  his  banners,  and  bought  by  of- 
fices, to  cry  like  parrots,  treafon  and  defertion.  When  he  was 
elevated  by  accident  to  a  feat  in  the  council  of  appointment, 
thefe  creatures  were  cheriflied,  and  fwarmed  round  the  council 
room,  like  reptiles  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  Yes,  thefe  ver- 
min, who  have  been  engendered  in  the  funfhine  of  executive 
favor,  and  are  feeding  on  the  public  bounty,  now  dare  to  pro- 
fcribe  the  patriots  of  '76  and  of  '98  ;  men  who  bled  for 
their  country's  freedom,  and  fubfequently  refilled  the  introduc- 
tion of  noxious  principles  and  of  federal  policy. 

I  REPEAT  that  he  was  not  chofen  a  member  of  the  council 
for  his  talents  or  integrity.  Deftitute  of  both,  I  know  he  was 
artfully  fele&ed  by  a  few,  to  accomplish  vile  and  wicked  pur- 
pofes.  To  effect  objects,  from  which  every  honeft  man  would 
have  flirunk  with  horror.  But  his  mind,  matured  by  the  prac- 
tice of  iniquity,  and  unalloyed  with  any  virtuous  principle, 
pointed  him  out  as  fit  for  every  vice.  It  was  at  this  period, 
until  which  he  had  been  unnoticed,  that  his  character  began  to 
unfold;  and  in  his  official  conduct  he  has  fince  manifefted  a  de- 
gree of  guilt,  fufficiently  daring  to  alarm  the  (lumbering  fears  of 
the  community,  and  diffipate  the  willing  blind nefs  even  of  his 
friends.  In  concert  with  his  great  compeer  in  perfidy,  he  com- 
menced a  fyftem  of  corrupt  and  favage  perfecution,  at  variance 
with  the  conflitutional. policy  of  the  ftate,  and  ungrateful  to 
the  eflential  principles  of  our  civil  inftitutions. 

IF  the  welfare  of  the  country  required  a  revolution  in  the 
catalogue  of  public  officers,  the  procedure  mould  have  beea 
vindicated  upon  fair  and  manly  principles.  Juftice  and  integri- 
ty mould  have  marked  the  triumphant  fteps  of  the  government. 
Mildnefs  and  impartiality  mould  have  proclaimed  the  reftoratiom. 
•f  public  freedom.  But  forgetting  all  duty  to  the  laws,  and  ref- 


47 

ponfibility  to  the  people,  in  a  courfe  of  the  moft  abandoned  pro- 
fligacy that  ever  difgraced  a  man  in  the  fervice  of  his  country, 
Mr.  Clinton  proceeded  to  proftitute  the  honor  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  polluting,  without  fear,  the  purity  of  juftice,  and  fub- 
Terting  with  unhallowed  hands,  the  fair  fabric  which  patriots 
had  erected.     With  callous   hardihood,  that  bade   defiance    to 
the  whifpers  of  reafon  and  of  virtue,  he  facrificed  the  interefts 
and  fafety  of  the  people  to  gratify  his  own  inordinate  ambition. 
THIS  pafiion  had  feized  his  mind,  from  the  firft  moment  he 
was  introduced  to  public  notice,  by  the  officious  interference  of 
his  uncle,  who  was  then  governor  of  the  ftate,  and  whofe  whole 
perfonal  and  official  power  was  exerted  to  raife  this  degenerate 
youth  from  the  low  occupations,  for  which  alone  his  clumfy  and 
ferocious  mind  was  formed.     Every    effort  was  made  to  reflect  a 
little   confequence  upon    him,  and  give   him  precedence  to  hi» 
cotemporaries,  moft  of  whom  were  infinitely  his  fuperiors.     Al- 
though without   talents,  or  any  promifing  traits  of  character, 
he  derived   fome  importance  from  thefe  circumftances,  and  wa* 
foon  offered  to  the  citizens   of  New- York  as  a  candidate  for  a 
feat  in  the  ftate  legiflature.     At  this  early  period  the  native 
Ticioufnefs  of  his  mind  was  difcovered.     Though  at  an  age 
when  generous  and  correct  fentiments  fhould  have  influenced  hia 
conduct,  he  manifefted  a  total  difregard  to  the  principles  he 
profeflcd,  and  to  the  means  by  which  his  objects  were  attained. 
This  zealous  and  humble  patriot,  who  now  affects  to  ftiudder  at  <• 
the  name  and  iniquities  of  federalifm,  then  boafted  that  he  had 
made  fecret  arrangements  with  fome  federal  characters  for  their 
fupport,  and  that  his  election  was  fafe,  though  the  other  re- 
publican candidates  would  probably  be  loft. 

THIS  is  the  man  who  now  claims  purity  of  republican  charac- 
ter ;  who  after  having  thus  betrayed  his  party,  and  fougLt 
federal  fupport  in  his  election,  attempts  to  denounce  Mr.  Burr 
for  exchanging  with  his  political  opponents  the  common  civili- 


\ 


ties  oflife.  Though  Mr.  Clinton  folicited  the  fupport  of  fede- 
ralifts,  and  Mr.  Burr  reje&ed  it  when  offered,  yet  becaufe  it  is 
not  known  that  he  drove  the  mefTenger  with  violence  from  his 
door,  Mr.  Burr  is  branded  with  ever)-  odious  epithet  that  malice 
can  fuggeft. 

THUS  too  in  1798,  when  Chancellor  Livingfton  was  a  can- 
didate for  the  government  of  the  ftate,  and  himfelf  for  fenator 
of  the  fouthern  diftrict,  Mr.  Clinton  in  his  letters  difcounte- 
nanced  the  eleftion  of  the  chancellor,  and  fent  meflengers  to  the 
polls,  for  the  purpofe  of  electioneering,  with  pofitive  inftnic- 
tions  to  abandon  the  other  republican  candidates,  that  his  own 
election  might  be  fecured.  To  fuch  means  he  was  then,  and 
ever  has  been  indebted,  for  the  fuccefs  of  his  unprincipled  pro- 
jects. His  good  fortune  has  hitherto  concealed  his  bafenefs, 
for  "  the  world  ne'er  thinks  him  guilty  who  fucceeds." 

INFLATED  with  pride  at  the  unmerited  attention  he  received, 
his  vanity  rendered  him  a  fubject  of  ridicule,  and  his  deportment 
produced  univerfal  difguft.  He  was  infupportably  troublefome 
to  the  party,  and  jealous  of  every  influential  member  of  the  le- 
giflature.  His  envy  and  felfifhnefs  were  never  more  unjuflly 
roufed,  nor  more  intempcrately  expreffed  to  his  correfpondents 
than  upon  the  following  occaCon.  Mr.  M'Cord,  a  very  correct 
and  patriotic  member  of  the  legiflature  from  the  county  of 
Orange,  introduced  a  refolution  for  the  purpofe  of  inftrudling 
our  reprcfentatives  in  Congrefs,  to  attempt  a  repeal  of  the  ftamp 
aft,  which  had  excited  much  uneafmefs  and  diflatisfa&ion 
throughout  the  ftate.  Mr.  Clinton  thought  this  propofition 
would  meet  with  the  approbation  of  the  people,  and  as  he  be- 
lieved himfelf  entitled  to  the  exclujive  privilege  of  introducing 
all  popular  meafures,  he  was  exceffively  irritated  on  the  occaiion ; 
and  vented  his  fpleen  in  fecretly  abufing  Mr.  M'Cord.  He 
wrote  to  his  correfpondent  in  this  city,  that  Mr.  M'Cord  was 
actuated  by  felffii  motives,  and  that  his  only  object  was,  to  ac- 
quire a  little  popularity  and  applaufe. 


a  few  fpecimens  of  the  patriotic  difpofition  and 

is  candidate  for  public  favor,  previous  to  the  year 

thers  which  no  doubt  he  hopes  have  been  buried 

K  fubmitted  to  the  confideration  of  the  public 


ca\ 

min<. 

when 

gentlen 

Inflated 

fondly  ho^ 

and  that  all 

ments,  could 

ponent.    The  i 

the  mind  of  thii 

and  which  had  be 

prefidency,  was  no\ 

itfelf  upon  every  occ. 

neither  the  Clinton  no 

with  fuccefs   the    well- 


Clinton's  election  as  a  member  of  the 
it,  he  found  it  prudent  to  obferve  fome 
T  to  Mr.  Burr.     The  imbecility  of  his 
\  have  funk  into  total  infignifkance 
-ith  the  talents  and  power  of  that 
this  event  he  threw  off  all  reflraint. 
ved  by  the  levity  of  youth,  he 
-ontroul,  the  power  of  the  ftate, 
n  the  council  for  their  appoint- 
vcs  againft  any  defignated  op- 
vhich  had  been  infufed  into 
ung  man  from  his  infancy, 
uncle's  lofs  of  the  vice- 
neration,  and  difplayed 
°ver,  foon  found  that 
rmgly,  could  oppofc 
..d  influence  of  Mr. 
.  luggefted  and  obtained, 
After  fome  deliberation, 


Burr.     An  interview   thi 

between   the  leaders  of  eac. 

the  preliminaries  were  fettled,  and  a  regular  aflbciation  formed, 

for  the  laudable  purpofe  of  ruining  the  reputation  and  proftrat-     ' 

ing  the  power  of  Mr.  Burr. 

THIS  party,  compofed  of  materials  difcordant  and  odious, 
organized  upon  principles  more  wicked  than  any  that  had  ever 
arifen  in  the  ftate,  foon  commenced  their  deftru£live  operations. 
With  aftonifhment  it  was  obferved  that  no  man,  however  virtu- 
ous, however  unfpotted  his  life  or  his  fame,  could  be  advanced 
to  the  moft  unimportant  appointment,  unlefs  he  would  fubmit  to 


50 

abandon  all  intercourfe  with  Mr.  Burr  ;  vow  oppofition  to  hit 
elevation,  and  like  a  feudal  vaffal,  pledge  his  perfonal  ferviceg 
when  called  for,  to  traduce  his  character,  and  circulate  all  the 
flander  that  was  given  him,  from  one  end  of  the  ftate  to  t  c 
other.  The  fullen  frowns  of  poverty  influenced  fome,  avarice 
and  the  luft  of  power  corrupted  others,  and  the  fterneft  virtue 
yielded  to  the  profpeft  of  political  eminence  and  promotion. 
Ordinary  vifion  was  dazzled  by  the  fplendid  difplay  of  power 
vefted  in  the  council  of  appointment,  which  was  now  more  con- 
fpicucnfly  manifefted  than  ever.  The  whole  ftate  was  to  be  re- 
yelutionized,  and  purged  of  all  impurities.  By  a  fudden  exer- 
tion of  public  ftrength,  it  was  to  be  at  once  delivered  from  a 
ftate  of  fin  and  mifery,  into  one  of  perfect  tranquility  and  blifs. 
The  council  was  the  inftrument  that  was  to  effect  thefe  glorious 
purpofes.  But  upon  viewing  the  materials  of  which  it  was  com- 
pofed,  good  men  defpaired,  and  funk  under  the  conviction  that 
all  the  ends  of  their  labor,  all  the  wifhes  of  the  people  would  be 
fruftrated  and  defpifed.  Inftea  1  of  keeping  fteadily  in  view 
the  honor  of  the  government,  and  making  wholefome  reforma- 
tions in  the  difpofition  of  political  power,  the  members  of  the 
council  were  governed  by  a  mean,  fordid,  and  felfifli  policy,  me- 
ditating alone  their  own  aggrandizement,  and  the  eftabliflimeot 
of  extenfive  political  influence.  Principle  was  proftrated,  virtue 
and  talents  ridiculed. 

THESE  obfervations  are  intended  to  apply  particularly  to  the 
two  champions,  who  have  uniformly  claimed  the  fole  honor  of 
having  conducted  the  operations  of  the  celebrated  council  of 
which  I  am  fpeaking.  The  third  republican  member,  though  un- 
doubtedly uprightinhis  views,  was  deluded  by  ingenious  artifices, 
and  the  confufion  of  the  times.  It  is  aifo  deemed  expedient,  (and 
I  believe  univerfally  pra&ifed)  for  the  members  of  the  council  to 
concede  to  each  other  the  exclufive  right  of  nominating  for  the 
o  they  reprefent.  The  two  moil  fouthcrn  diftricls,  repre- 


51 

fented  by  De  Witt  Clinton  and  Ambrofe  Spencer,  were  the 
feat  of  the  moft  mifchievous  machinations.  As  the  firft  of  thefe 
gentlemen  has  always  boafted  of  an  abfolute  controul  over  the 
other,  I  mall  afcribe  to  him  chiefly,  the  arrangements  in  that 
portion  of  the  (late,  thefe  diflricts  embrace,  and  to  him  exclu- 
fively,  all  the  appointments  in  the  fouthern  diftrict.  Here  he 
originated  and  purfued  a  fyftem  of  intrigue,  of  favoritifm  and 
perfecution,  fo  extenfive  and  diverfified,  as  to  defy  elucidation, 
and  ftagger  all  human  fpeculation.  Thofe  alone  who  have  wit- 
neffed  the  difientions  and  confufion  that  have  prevailed  among 
us,  can  eftimate  the  iniquity  of  his  conduct. 

To  trace  Mr.  Clinton  through  all  the  fcenes  of  intrigue  in 
which  he  has  been  engaged,  would  be  a  tafk  too  laborious  for 
ordinary  iuduftry  and  patience  to  accomplifh.  With  talents  cer- 
tainly not  above  mediocrity,  he  has  difturbed  the  peace  of  the 
country,  and  under  pretences  notorioufly  falfe,  roufed  the  ear- 
rieft  apprehenfions  of  many  honeft  men.  Was  it  not  difgraceful 
to  political  controverfy  to  drag  forth  each  immaterial  defedl  of 
private  character,  I  would  develope  the  dark  and  gloomy  difor- 
ders  of  his  malignant  bofom,  and  trace  each  convulfive  vibration 
of  his  wicked  heart.  He  may  juftly  be  ranked  among  thofe, 
who,  though  deftitute  of  found  underftandings,  are  ftill  rendered 
dangerous  to  fociety  by  an  intrinfic  bafenefs  of  character,  that 
engenders  hatred  to  every  thing  good  and  valuable  in  the  world  ; 
who  with  barbarous  malignity  view  the  prevalence  of  moral 
principles,  and  the  extenfion  of  benevolent  defigns  ;  who,  foes 
to  virtue,  seek  the  subverfion  of  every  valuable  inftitution,  and 
meditate  the  introduction  of  wild  and  furious  diforders  among 
the  fupporters  of  public  virtue. 

His  intimacy  with  men,  who  have  long  fmce  difowned  all  re- 
gard to  decency,  and  have  become  the  daring  advocates  of  every 
fpecies  of  atrocity,  certainly  deferves  fome  notice,  and  will  en- 
fure  him  the  deteftatioR  of  the  community.  His  indiffolublc 


eonaexion  with  thofe  who  by  their  lives,  as  well  as  the  precept! 
they  inculcate,  have  become  finifhed  examples  of  profligacy  and 
corruption  ;  who  have  fworn  enmity,  fevere  and  eternal,  to  the 
altar  of  our  religion,  and  the  profperity  of  our  government, 
muft  infallibly  exclude  him  from  the  confidence  of  reputable 
men.  What  fentiments  can  be  entertained  for  him,  but  thofe 
of  hatred  and  contempt,  when  he  is  feen  the  conftant  aflbciate 
of  a  man,  whofe  name  has  become  fynonymous  with  vice  ;  a  dif- 
folute  and  fearlefs  aflaffin  of  private  character,  of  domeftic  com- 
fort, and  of  focial  happinefs  ;  when  he  is  known  to  be  the  bo. 
fom  friend  and  fupporter  of  this  profligate  and  abandoned  liber- 
tine, who,  from  the  vulgar  debauches  of  the  night,  and  the  cuf- 
tody  of  civil  officers,  haftens  again  to  the  invafion  of  private  pro- 
perty. Who,  through  the  robbery  of  the  public  revenue,  and 
the  violation  of  private  feals,  hurries  down  the  precipice  of 
deep  and  defperate  villiany. 

CAN  he  have  even  claims  to  companion,  while  he  boldly  ex- 
tends his  confidence  and  friendmip  to  another  wretch,  whofe  life 
has  been  a  continued  fcene  of  perfidy  and  fraud  ;  whofe  def- 
tructive  grafp,  neither  friends  nor  foes,  not  even  the  wandering 
ftranger,  can  efcape  ;  by  whom  fwindling  has  been  reduced  to 
a  fcience,  and  fuccefs  in  treachery  to  mathematical  certainty  ? 
From  pure  congeniality  of  foul,  it  is  prefumed  he  has  affumed 
the  name  of  "  Lyfander"  the  moft  corrupt  and  abandoned  vil- 
lain ever  born  in  Greece.  The  feverity  of  this  language  may 
offend  the  delicacy  of  Mr.  Clinton's  friend,  and  roufe  the  tender 
fympathies  of  his  patron.  But  it  is  proper,  becaufe  merited. 
The  fociety  in  which  he  lives  will  applaud  the  chaftifement,  and 
even  Mr.  Eden  bear  teftimony  to  its  juftice. 

To  enumerate  more  particularly  the  reprobates  who  form  the 
circle  of  Mr.  Clinton's  friendly  and  confidential  aflbciates,  mall 
be  the  occupation  of  another  moment.  However  painful  and 
degrading  it  may  be,  a  due  regard  to  juftke,  apd  a  faithful  de-» 


53 

•lineation  of  his  cliara&er,  will  lead  me  to  exhibit  him  as  the 
humble  and  conltant  companion  of  men  whofe  characters  are 
abhorred,  whofe  fentiments  and  conduct  have  long  fince  received 
the  dc-cifive  fentence  of  public  condemnation. 
»    AN  odious  phoenomenon  in  the  fchools  of  impiety,  without 
talents  to  lead  him  to  an  energetic  invefligation  of  truth,  he  is 
poffcfTed  of  a  zeal  in  the  profecution  of  mifchief,  and  an  ardor 
in  vice  calculated  to  engender  and  cherifh  difciples  of  confufion 
and  diforder.      His  efforts  have  accordingly  been  crowned  with 
correfpondent  fuccefe.      From  every  impure  fource  he  has  at- 
tracted the  votaries  of  corruption,  and  formed  a  veteran  phalanx 
that  never  can  diflionor  the  unequalled  vicioufnefs  of  his  mind. 
Such  then  are  his  companions,  fuch  the  fearlefs  patriots  who 
claim  the  protection  of  our-  country,  and  audacioufiy  demand 
the  honors  of  the  ftate.     Familiar  with  fo  much  profligacy,  it 
was  natural  to  fuppofe  that  his  ingenuity  would  be  exercifed  to 
raife  the  political  confequence  of  congenial  characters  ;  to  fcat- 
ter  the  feeds  of  irreligion  and  confuf\on  until  they  operated  .the 
deftnichion  of  all- moral  and  political  obligations,  relaxed  at- 
tachment to  the  laws,  and  engendered  difTentions  deilrudtive 
and  incurable,  among   the   fupporters  of  a  wholefome  govern- 
ment.     Scenes  like  thefe  alone  could  give  him  confequence,  or 
raife  a  malignant  mifanthrope  from  obfcurity. 
•  BUT  perverfe  indeed,  or  feeble,  muft  be  the  mind  which  can- 
not difcern  that  the  days  of  political  delufion  vand.  anti-Jcjcial 
confpiracies  are  paffed  away;  that  the  true  age  of.reafon  is  de- 
veloping to  man  the  real  interefts  of  fociety.     Difordered  mull 
be  the  zealot  who  does  not  believe,  that  the  good  feufe  of  Ame- 
ricans will  lead  them  to  defpife  the  mad  adherents  to  vifionary 
fchernes  of  policy  and  irreligion;  who  does  "not  perceive  daily 
pvoofs  of  their  attachment  to  the  ftable  benefits  of  a  free  and 
well  organized  government,  and  that  they  never  will  jiiffer  its 
foundations  to  be.  fubvertcd,  and.the  privileges  which  they  che- 

H 


54- 

rife  and  love  to  exercifc,  torn  up  by  the  unhallowed  liands  of  a 
Few  defpcrate  adventurers.  One  moment's  exercife  of  even  Mr. 
Clinton's  flender  capacity,  would  yield  him  this  conviction. 
Why  then  is  his  time  devoted  to  fociety  that  will  inevitably  en- 
tail difgrace  and  infamy  upon  the  character  of  a  gentleman  ?  I» 
he  attracted  by  an  innate  congeniality  of  fonl,  or  does  he  def- 
pife  an  honorable  effort  at  reformation?  Some  attribute  his  pre- 
dilection for  corrupt  and  profligate  companions,  to  the  weaknefs 
of  his  underftanding;  his  enemies,  to  malice  and  mortal  enmity 
to  the  fociety  of  honeft  men.  If  neither  are  correct,  let  him 
manifeft  at  lead  one  proof  of  firmnefs  ;  for  the  honor  of  huma- 
nity, he  mould  conceal,  if  he  cannot  conquer,  the  vicious  pro- 
penfities  of  his  heart.  Let  him  make  one  earneft  effort  to  ef- 
cape  from  ruin ;  to  abandon  his  horrid  communion  with 
"  vulgar  vice,  and  bafe-born  profligacy  ;"  to  vindicate  the 
dignity  of  his  nature,  and  fave,  though  it  were  by  the  locks,  the 
drowning  honor  of  his  name. 

THE  tranfition  is  eafy,  from  moral  to  political  depravity  ; 
from  private  bafenefs  to  atrocious  perfidy  in  public  life.  The 
characteriftic  traits  of  Mr.  Clinton's  mind  have  been  manifefted 
in  whatever  fituation  he  was  placed ;  whether  in  the  humble 
fphere  for  which  he  was  defigned  by  nature,  or  enveloped  in 
the  deceptive  grandeur  of  fortuitous  elevation.  Thofe  who 
had  marked  the  progrefs  of  his  profligacy,  foon  difcovered 
caufe  for  alarm,  and  were  not  furprifed  at  the  iniquity  of  his 
public  conduct.  He  has  verified  the  predictions  cf  the  fufpi- 
cious,  and  filenced  the  moft  credulous  part  of  the  community. 
An  acknowledged  novice  in  the  fcience  of  government,  and  a 
ftranger  to  elevated  principles  of  policy,  it  was  hoped  by  thofe 
to  whom  he  was  unknown,  that  though  he  might  prove  incom- 
petent to  take  an  enlarged  view  of  the  political  relations  of  the 
ftate,  or  conceive  any  comprthenfive  plan  for  the  regulation  of 
its  various  intereffo,  that  Hill  he  would  difcover  integrity,  and 


55 

exercifc  due  induftry  and  discretion  in  difcharging  the  duties  of 
an  appointment,  which  he  had  meanly  condefcended  to  folicit. 
BUT  thofc  who  were  fanguine  enough  to  indulge  thtfe  vifion- 
ary  hopes,  were  unmindful  of  the  invincible  propenfities  to  vice 
that  had  marked  every  moment  of  this  man's  political  life. 
They  thought  it  impartible  that  a  perfon  fo  young  could  be  re- 
gardlefs  of  every  upright  principle,  and  callous  to  remorfe;  or 
that  the  practice  of  iniquity  could  fo  foon  have  banifheu  every 
honorable  fentiment  of  his  heart.  But  the  illufion  was  foon  dif- 
fipated,  and  they  beheld  him  an  adept  as  well  in  political  as  in 
moral  turpitude,  profoundly  Ikilled  in  all  the  combinations  of 
treachery  and  fraud  ;  a  diflblute  and  defperate  intriguer,  whom 
neither  fear,  nor  fhame,  nor  dread  of  punimment  could  reftraia. 
Where,  it  may  be  aflced,  was  his  wonted  prudence,  and  where 
his  boafled  honor,  when  he  caufed  it  to  be  proclaimed  to  candi- 
dates for  office,  that  perfonal  devotion  to  a  few  ambitious  indi- 
viduals had  become  the  ftandard  of  political  merit?  What  elevated 
patriotifm  was  it  that  induced  him  to  employ  two  abandoned 
hypocrites,  to  purfue  candidates  through  the  town,  to  afcertain 
their  perfonal  attachments  and  political  prejudices,  and  kindly 
to  infinuate,  that  unlefs  fatisfatlory  afiurances  were  given  of  fu- 
ture fupport  in  the  political  projects  of  himfelf  and  friends,  and 
of  ilrenuous  oppofition  to  the  elevation  and  popularity  of  the 
vice-prefident,  every  avenue  to  promotion  would  be  obftinately 
clofed?  With  what  temporary  derangement  of  intellect  could 
he  have  been  afflicted,  when  he  perfonally  folicited  General  Al- 
ner  and  Mr.  Ezekiel  Robbins  refpedively,  on  the  fame  day,  to 
accept  the  appointment  of  furrogate  for  the  city  and  county  of 
New- York  ;  to  both  folemnly  pledged  his  fupport  ;  betrayed 
both,  and  fubfequently  gave  it  to  a  third?  Here  is  the  effence 
of  treachery,  pure  and  fublimated.  Examine  the  annals  of 
corruption,  karch  the  records  of  villainy  from  immemorial 
time,  and  no  parallel  c.an  be  found  for  pcvftJy  Hke  this.  From 


56 

this  difgrace  he  cannot  efcape,  by  alledging  a  want  of  power, 
or  the  imbecility  of  his  intereft,  nor  hope  for  "  indemnity  to 
himfelf  from  community  in  crimes."  Thofe  who  had  been 
initiated  into  the  myfteries  of  the  council,  or  difcovered  by  ac- 
c-klviit  the  arrangements  of  the  day,  are  ready  to  confront  him. 
Constraint  cannot  be  urged,  and  treachery  thus  juftified  ;  nor 
can  he  plead  the  calamity  of  the  times,  and  that  "  care  may 
retract  vows  made  in  pain  as  violent  and  void."  His  conduct 
was  as  voluntary  as  it  was  bafe,  and  ferves  to  elucidate  the  tor- 
turous criminality  of  his  character. 

BY  what  "  noble  and  elevated  confiderations"  could  Mr. 
Clinton  have  been  influenced,  when  he  deliberately  fold  the  of- 
fice of  fecretary  of  the  Itate  for  a  vacancy  in  the  fenate  of  the 
union  ?  When  he  bafely  abandoned  the  interefts  of  his  confti- 
tuents,  and  left  the  city  he  represented,  expofed  to  the  threat- 
ened horrors  of  anarchy  and  confufion  ?  Deftitute  of  a  local 
government  or  an  efficient  magiftracy,  the  lives  and  fortunes  of 
the  citizens  were  equally  at  ftake.  At  this  gloomy  and  inau- 
fpicious  moment,  they  applied  for  relief  to  the  fovereign  autho- 
r  of  the  ftate,  and  relied  on  the  exertions  of  thofe  whom  they 
had  bcnoTYu  with  their  fuffrages  and  their  confidence.  But  Mr. 
Clinton  difregarded  thei;-  darger;  he  fmiled  at  their  folicitude, 
and  by  the  moft  unprincipled  intrigue,  raifed  himfelf  above 
controul.  The  moment  was  at  hand  that  was  to  terminate 
at  once  his  feat  in  the  fenate  and  the  council ;  he  dreaded  the 
juftice  of  the  people,  and  dared  not  meet  the  awful  fcrtitiny  of 
his  conftituents.  Confcious  of  his  guilt,  he  knew  that  at  the 
expiration  of  the  period  for  which  he  was  elected,  he  would 
have  been  driven  from  his  elevation,  hated  and  difgraced.  That 
the  men  whom  he  had  injured  and  Jnfulted,  would  have  held 
him  up  to  the  execration  of  the  world,  as  an  abominated  mo- 
nument of  human  depravity.  **  Reluctant  and  unrepenting," 
he  would  have  been  compelled  to  retire  to  a  fecluded  foot,  link- 


57 

ing  under  the  accumulated  deteftation  of  the  people ;  and  though 
he  may  have  derided  the  impotence  of  the  laws,  and  in  his  re- 
tirement malignantly  rejoiced  at  the  evils  he  had  produced; 
though  he  may  have  efcaped  the  arm  of  public  vengance,  he 
would  have  been  configned  to  the  difgrace  he  merited ;  defpifed 
and  unnoticed,  except  when  pointed  out  as  an  object  of  fcorn 
to  every  honeft  man. 

THIS  treachery  was  aggravated  by  a  mameful  difregard  to 
the  qualifications  of  the  perfon,  thus  advanced  to  an  important 
office.  The  office  of  fecretary  of  the  ftate  was  beftowed  on  a 
man  deftitute  of  talents,  and  notorioufly  unworthy  of  the  pub- 
lic confidence.  A  contemptible  muffling  apothecary,  who  with- 
out talents  to  profit  by  the  purfuit  of  an  honeft  profefiion,  or 
even  to  deal  out  medicine  by  the  ounce,  has  fucceffively  aflumed 
every  character  defignated  by  human  actions.  To  accomplifh 
hypocritical  purpofes,  he  has  travelled  round  the  whole  circle 
of  religious  denominations  ;  he  has  alternately  embraced  every 
feet,  and  fubfcribed  every  creed,  from  outrageous  methodifm, 
to  the  harmlefs  and  inoffenfive  ceremonies  of  the  Baptift,  until 
he  has  terminated  his  career  in  the  fports  of  the  turf,  in  dealing 
in  horfes,  and  in  political  fvvindling  ;  without  ingenuity  to  de- 
vife,  or  fpirit  to  purfue  any  fyftematic  plan  of  iniquity. 

MR.  CLINTON  certainly  difplayed  fome  management  in  mak- 
ing his  arrangements  with  Tillotion  and  Armftrong.  Therefigna- 
tion  of  this  latter  gentleman,  and  Mr.  Clinton's  elevation  to  the 
vacant  feat,  was  the  only  poffible  mode  in  which  he  could  efcape 
humiliation,  and  arreft  the  expreffion  of  difapprobation  which 
his  conftituents  were  pepared  to  pronounce  at  the  then  approach- 
ing election.  In  the  hour  of  danger  he  had  abandoned  their 
intereils.  When  local  animofities  and  party  virulence  threaten- 
ed derangement  to  our  municipal  regulations ;  when  the  city 
was  upon  the  eve  of  being  left  vvatchlefs  and  unprotected  ;  when 
dark  and  midnight  fpirits  prowled  about  the  ftreets,  meditating 


£8 

deeds  of  "  darknefs  and  difafter,"  he  remained  unmoved  by  the 
menacing  calamity.  Confcious  of  the  fate  that  awaited  him, 
he  fixed  his  views  on  a  feat  in  the  fenate  of  the  United  States, 
aud  efcaped  the  indignation  of  his  conflituents  by  ftepping  into 
the  place  he  had  induced  Armilrong  to  abandon. 

THIS  lazy  apoftate  had  alternately  efpoufed  the  do&rines  and 
advocated  the  principles  of  the  different  parties  in  the  ftate.  Af- 
ter vibrating  between  each,  in  quefl  of  favor  and  promotion, 
he  at  length  fettled  permanently,  as  he  faid,  on  the  fide  of  the 
republicans,  and  they,  as  ufual,  rewarded  his  treachery  with  a 
feat  in  the  national  fenate.  At  Wafliington,  however,  he  found 
nothing  congenial  with  his  warlike  temper,  nor  any  thing  within 
the  influence  of  his  mifchievous  difpofition.  There  no  tumult 
or  rebellion  could  be  raifed.  DiftrefTed  and  hungry  foldiers  are 
the  only  fubjefts  on  which  he  can  operate  with  fuccefs,  and  for 
his  attempts  at  the  clofe  of  the  revolution,  he  fhould  have  re- 
ceived a  fate  which  fimilar  incendiaries  feldom  have  efcaped. 
Far  above  the  fphere  in  which  he  was  formed  to  move,  unheed- 
ed and  defpifed,  Mr.  Clinton  found  it  eafy,  I  prefume,  to  in- 
duce him  to  abandon  a  place  where  neither  apoflates  nor  advo- 
cates for  rebellion  were  received  with  confidence  or  refpecl:.  His 
propofition  was  made  at  a  judicious  moment ;  a  propofition, 
ivhich  by  its  fuccefs,  at  once  difgraced  the  national  legiflature, 
by  the  introduction  of  a  knave  and  an  infidel,  and  increafed  the 
dangerous  difTentions  in  the  ftate,  by  reftoring  to  its  bofom  an 
incendiary,  whole  only  occupation  and  amufement  has  ever 
been  to  excite  domeilic  broils  and  village  mifchief. 

TILLOTSON,  the  worthy  relative  of  this  honorable  man,  had 
travelled  the  country  round,  like  a  hungry  fpaniel,  begging  an 
office  as  he  went.  He  journeyed  to  Washington  to  folicit  in 
perfon  the  colle&orfhip  of  New- York.  The  futility  of  his 
claims,  and  the  ferioufnefs  and  addrefs  with  which  he  urged 
than,  formed  a  fubjed  of  ridicule  to  the  adminiilration  for  * 


month.  No  fooner  was  this  favorite  fcheme  fruftrated,  than  he 
ranfacked  Maryland,  and  offered  to  honor  his  native  ftate  with 
his  refidence  if  any  thing  worthy  of  his  attention  could  be  of- 
fered. There  fortunately  he  was  known,  and  nothing  was  pre- 
fented  to  induce  his  return.  This  adtive  knight  returned  front 
his  romantic  expedition,  curfing  the  vice-prefident,  proclaiming 
him  a  federalift,  and  a  traitor  to  his  party,  fimply  for  having  re- 
commended another  gentleman  for  the  office  of  collector  for  the 
port  of  New- York. 

THIS  prevx  chevalier  began  his  life  with  a  laudable  determi- 
nation to  make  his  fortune.  He  pra&ifed  with  unlimited  fuc- 
eefs  upon  the  Livingfton  maxim, 

Rem  facias,  rent 
Si  po/Ju  reSe,  Ji  non,  quocunque  modo  rem. 

To  him  it  was  immaterial  whether  it  was  fqueezed  from  the 
pockets  of  honeft  and  induftrious  tenants,  or  whether  it  was  pil- 
laged from  a  relative  by  the  glorious  chicanery  of  the  law,  or 
whether  derived  from  the  public  treafury  as  an  equivalent  for 
fervices  he  is  utterly  incapable  to  perform.  Inflamed  with  a  zeal 
for  office  and  governed  by  thefe  mercenary  views,  Tillotfon  foli-f 
cited  the  office  of  fecretary  of  the  ftate  as  his  laft  refource.  His 
worthy  brother  was  interefted  in  his  behalf,  and  refigned  his  feat 
in  the  fenate  of  the  un>on.*  The  council  gave  Tillotfon  the 
office  he  defired,  and  Mr.  Clinton  was  chofen  to  fill  the  fcafc 
which  Armftrong  had  abandoned.  This  fhameful  tranfa&ioa 
needs  no  farther  comment. 

THE  appointment  of  clerk  to  the  mayor's  court  is  fufficient  to 
confirm  all  the  obfervations  I  have  made,  relative  to.  the  views- 
with  which  the  officers  for  the  fouthern  diftrift  were  felecled. 

*  T'Wotfon  and  Armjlrong  are  Irotbers 'in  law.  Boifi  married 
Jiftert  of  Chanrtllor  Livingjlon. 


60 

This  elegant  perfonage  is  a  living  monument  of  the  patience 
with  which  Americans  will  fuffer  themfilves  to  be  abufed  and 
infulted  by  men  in  power.  An  execrable  compound  of  every 
fpecies  of  vice,  he  is  at  this  moment  an  object  with  whom  tvery 
decent  man  fcorns  to  aflbciate.  The  curious  who  wifh  to  view 
human  nature  in  its  moft  degenerate  date,  will  in  this  man  find 
a  fit  object  of  contemplation.  To  the  natural  enquirer  he  will 
afford  an  interefting  fubject  of  fpeculation.  He  will  be  found 
in  the  loweft  clafs  of  creatures  recognized  as  rational,  if  not  the 
very  link  that  joins  the  animal  to  the  human  race.  This  "  pefti- 
lent  pauper"  was  raifed  by  the  council  from  the  filth  in  which 
he  wallowed,  to  the  moft  lucrative  office  in  the  ftate.  When 
called  on  to  juflify  this  outrage  upon  the  honor  and  dignity  of 
the  city,  Mr.  Clinton  increafed  the  atrocity  of  his  conduct,  by 
exulting  in  the  mifchief  he  had  done.  "  Though  he  is  a  great 
fcoundrel  he  has  been  of  fervice  to  the  party,  and  ought  to  be 
rewarded,"  were  the  words  he  uttered.  Here  is  a  direct 
avowal  of  the  principles  upon  which  he  acted.  A  complete 
confirmation  of  the  charges  which  have  been  urged  againft  him. 
It  is  irrefiftable  evidence  that  the  public  good  had  no  influence 
in  determining  his  conduct.  It  is  the  "  ne  plus  ultra"  of  po- 
litical depravity,  and  eftablifties  his  guilt  in  every  mind,  that  i» 
not  impenetrable  to  conviction. 

THE  perfon  felected  to  fill  the  office  of  diftrict  attorney  has 
uniformly  been  a  fubject  of  ridicule  to  our  political  opponents, 
and  a  difgracc  to  the  council  that  appointed  him.  The  <jif- 
guft  and  diflatiofaction  which  this  appointment  has  produced, 
fhould  certainly  excite  a  pang  in  the  bofom  of  Mr.  Clinton,  if 
it  was  fufceptible  of  any.  But  however  aeeply  involved  in  mif- 
chief, the  world  will  do  him  the  juftice  to  acknowledge  that  no 
emotions  of  forrow,  repentance  or  remorfe,  were  ever  known 
to  enter  there.  This  imbecile  and  obfequious  pettifogger,  aban- 
doned the  federal  ilandard  on  the  third  dav  of  the  election  ia 


61 

i8oo.  On  the  firil  he  voted  for  the  federal  candidates,  on  the 
fecond  he  began  to  perceive  that  his  party  would  be  defeated, 
and  ou  the  third  he  boldly  avowed  himfelf  a  republican.  This 
vain  and  contemptible  little  peft,  whofe  political  fentiments  like 
a  weather  vane  are  regulated  by  every  intercfted  breeze  that 
blows,  has  been  advanced  to  honorable  and  lucrative  employ- 
ment, in  preference  to  men  cf  fterling  and  acknowledged  merit; 
men  whom,  in  the  days  that  "  tried  men's  fouls,"  combated  with 
vigor  the  principles  he  then  efpoufed.  But 

"  Pigmies  are  pigmies  Jiill,  though  perch' d  on  Jllps." 

Neither  the  office  which  he  holds,  nor  his  having  become  the 
"  depofitary  of  Mr.  Clinton's  honor,"  nor  being  the  favorite 
companion  of  Mr.  Cheetham,  can  raife  this  elaftic  puppet  above 
contempt.  While  he  is  in  office  his  ignorance  and  incapacity 
will  expofe  him  to  difgrace. 

THE  appointment  of  juflices  of  the  ten  pound  court,  was 
equally  unfortunate.  Inftead  of  regarding  as  he  ought  the 
claims  of  thofe  who  had  afted  as  magiftrates  under  the  old  law, 
and  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  office  by  the  eftabliihment 
of  the  new  fyftem,  Mr.  Clinton  preferred  young  men,  fomc  of 
whom  were  ftrangers  to  the  party,  and  deftitute  of  claims  to 
public  favor.  Two  of  them  were  but  juft  ftript  of  their  fwad- 
dling  cloaths,  and  their  legal  knowledge  is  ftill  incompetent  to 
the  juft  decifion  of  the  fimpleft  cafe.  But  he  deferves  fome  cre- 
dit for  adopting  means,  apparently  well  calculated  to  enfure  fuc- 
«:efs  to  the  object  he  had  in  view.  Upon  his  return  from  Albany, 
Mr.  Clinton  declared  that  the  appointments  had  been  made  with 
a  view  of  rendering  thb  court  in  queflion  unpopular,  and  thus  to 
prepare  the  way  for  its  abolition.  There  is  an  unfortunate  fa- 
tality attending  all  his  attempts  to  juftify  his  conduct  upon  thefe 
occalions.  The  very  motives  by  which  he  profefles  to  have 
fe.;en  p;onrned>  mould,  if  poffible,  have  been  concealed.  When 

1 


62 

public  men  aft  upon  motives  like  thefe,  and  have  the  hardihood 
to  avow  them,  it  evinces  a  fpirit  of  depravity  repugnant  to  the 
nature  of  our  government,  and  pregnant  with  incalculable  mif- 
chiefs. 

IT  needed  not  the  aflertion  of  Mr.  Clinton,  to  convince  the 
world  that  the  council  of  appointment  were  actuated  by  im- 
proper views,  and  influenced  by  motives  hoftile  to  the  public 
good.  Every  county  in  the  ftate  exhibits  ample  teftimony  of 
the  faft.  With  pain  the  people  faw  them  yielding  to  the  preffure 
of  wicked  allurements,  and  in  effect,  becoming  the  retailers  of 
eommifiions,  for  which,  pliancy  of  principle,  blafted  reputation 
and  enmity  to  the  vice-prefident,  were  the  molt  acceptable  equi- 
valents. Thefe  were  manifeftly  the  principles  that  governed 
.the  appointments  in  the  fouthern  diftrift.  As  Mr.  Clinton  dic- 
tated them,  the  refponfibility  muft  reft  exclufively  on  him. 

I  HAVE  pointed  out  a  few  of  the  moft  odious  feleftions  that 
were  made  in  that  portion  of  the  ftate ;  to  enumerate  them  all 
would  fill  a  volume,  and  far  exceed  the  limits  to  which  I  am 
neceffarily  confined.  After  the  observations  I  have  made,  it  may 
with  juftice  be  enquired,  what  foundation  fuftainsMr.  Clinton's 
claims  to  integrity?  Is  it  a  fyftematic  determination  to  violate 
every  promife,  however  facred,  or  a  total  difregard  to  thofe  ties 
of  honor  which  bind  alike  the  chriftian  and  the  favage  ?  Where, 
it  may  be  afked,  are  we  to  fearch  for  proofs  of  his  difcernment? 
He  will  point,  no  doubt,  triumphantly,  to  his  companions,  and 
fome  civil  officers  who  have  been  taken  from  the  loweft  clafs  of 
debafed  humanity.  In  what  aft  of  his  life  can  we  recognize  his 
attachment  to  the  welfare  of  the  government,  or  the  princi- 
ples of  virtuous  freedom?  Will  he  refer  us  to  the  proftitution  of 
the  power  with  which  he  was  for  a  moment  inverted ;  to  his  itin- 
erant efforts  to  difpofe  of  offices  to  thofe  who  would  fwear  eter- 
nal oppofition  to  Mr.  Burr;  or  to  that  fyftem  of  felfifh  policy 
which  at  an  early  period  was  adopted  by  himfelf,  and  thofe  on 


63 

whom  his  tranfient  influence  immediately  depended  ?  a  fyftem 
which  has  laid  the  foundation  for  lading  and  ruinous  diforders 
in  the  ftate.  View  our  political  condition,  and  compare  it  with 
what  a  wife  and  judicious  adminiftration  of  the  government 
might  have  rendered  it.  Inflead  of  harmony  and  union  among 
the  friends  of  freedom,  inftead  of  a  confolidation  of  the  repub- 
lican intercft,  calumny  and  diflentions  are  rapidly  producing 
fymptoms  of  decay  and  difTolution.  Every  part  of  the  country 
is  manifefting  the  moft  anxious  folicitude,  and  the  apple  of  dif- 
cord,  rolling  through  the  land,  is  every  where  generating  dif- 
content,  diforder  and  confufion.  Thefe  fcenes  are  hazardous 
and  alarming,  and  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  a  government. 
They  are  the  awful  annunciations  of  diflblution  to  our  party, 
with  whofe  ruin  will  difappear,  the  bright  profpects  of  hnppinefs 
which  have  but  juft  beamed  upon  the  people.  That  enlighten- 
ed fyftem  of  national  policy  which  has  its  origin  in  the  princi- 
ples that  prevailed  at  the  revolution,  will  be  prematurely  ter- 
minated by  the  hands  of  intemperate  foes,  and  the  caufe  we 
efpoufe  overwhelmed  in  its  infancy,  while  federalifm  rifes  trium- 
.  phant  on  its  ruins. 

THESE  are  the  apprehenfions  of  one  who  reflects  on  the  con- 
fequences  of  political  conduct.    They  are  fears  common  to  thofc 

-  who  view  with  attention,  the  unimportant  incidents  that  often 
deftroy  attachment  to  political  eftablimments,  and  influence  the 
direction  of  popular  opinion.      But  Mr.  Clinton,  no  doubt,  can 
view  with  unconcern  the  poifonous  divilions  which  have  been  in- 
troduced among  us,  becaufe  he  has  not  fagacity  to  forefee  the 
evils  they  may  engender ;  becaufe  he  has  neither  the  candor  to 
avow,  nor  the  fenfibility  to  lament  his  errors  or  his  crimes.   The 
portentous  clouds  that  occalionally  float  through  the  atmof- 
phere,  or  hang  on  the  political  horizon,  excite  no  emotioiib  of 
forrow  in  hia  bofom,  becaufe  no  change  can  gender  him  more 

-  «dious   to   the   community,  or  fhorten  the  duration  of  h;s  ap- 


64 

pointment.  But  let  this  Felix  tremble,  for  it  is  well  faid,  that 
"  he  who  fows  the  feeds  of  ruin,  his  is  the  harveft  of  iniquity." 
Ke  will  one  day  be  called  to  atone  for  the  evils  he  has  produced. 
However  late,  th  t  period  muft  arrive.  He  has  hazarded  the 
profperity  of  the  party,  and  fported  with  the  welfare  of  the 
pe  pie.  The  d^-  of  retribution  muft  come,  and  he  mould  pre- 
pare for  the  awful  fentence  that  awaits  him.  He  fliould  review 
the  erratic  vibrations  of  his  political  life,  and  with  contrite  zeal 
folicit  the  indulgence  of  thofe  he  has  infulted  and  betrayed.  A 
patient  community,  by  an  honeft  reformation,  may  be  moved  to 
pity,  and  fave  him  from  oblivion.  If  ever  he  was  influenced 
by  patriotic  motives  in  the  attack  on  Mr.  Burr,  if  ever  he  feltH 
laudable  folicitude  for  truth,  he  mould  be  reconciled  to  the  no- 
vel emotion,  fubdue  his  reluctance,  and  proclaim  it  to  the  world. 
His  friends  I  know  will  accufe  him  of  treachery,  and  defert  him 
as  dimonored.  But  he  will  find  refuge  in  the  fympathies  of  the 
people,  and  if  he  cannot  conceal,  they  will  pardon  his  fenfe  of 
fliame. 

THE  conduct  which  Mr.  Clinton  has  hitherto  purfued  in  this 
important  controverfy,  and  the  confequences  it  is  likely  to  pro- 
duce, has  authorized  the  public  to  demand  upon  what  principles 
he  has  proceeded.  Deilitute  of  perfonal  resolution,  proofs  of 
which  have  been  abundantly  exhibited,  in  a  manner  difgrace- 
ful  to  himfelf,  and  o/enjtve  to  his  friends,  he  will  perhaps  mrink 
from  a  talk  fo  arduous  and  delicate.  But  no  apology  will  be 
received.  He  {hall  be  called  for  judgment  before  the  tribunal 
authorized  to  pronounce  his  fentence.  He  mail  hereafter 
djriv-j  no  advantage  from  feclulion,  and  if  he  is  wife,  never 
\vill  return  to  his  retired  habitation.  It  has  already  gene- 
rated in  his  bofom  all  the  malignant  paflions  incident  to  hu- 
man nature.  The  ferenity  of  rural  retirement  is  ill  fuited 
to  the  tempeftuous  vicioufnefs  of  his  heart.  If  he  rejects 
*iotmy  friendly  admonition,  he  will  bid  adieu  for  ever,  to  his 


65 

u-ool  retreats  and  fnady  bowers;  they  cannot  be  congenial  to  the 
turbulance  of  his  fpirit.  His  attachment  to  them  is  prophetic. 
To  the  oid-,  traitors  have  often  been  fufpended,  and  a  villain 
can  never  be  cneriflied  in  its  fliade.  Cruel  by  nature  and  form- 
ed for  mi'fchief,  'he  has  become  morofe  without  dignity,  mean 
and  contracted  without  the  advantages  it  ufually  produces. 
His  deportment  has  rendered  him  an  object  of  derifion  and  dif- 
guft.  "His  vanity  is  as  confpicuous  as  his  wickednefs  is  noto- 
rious ;  he  fiiould  recollect  the  hand  that  raifed  him  from  indi- 
gence, and  ceafe  to  proclaim  the  "Jlabithy"  of  his  fortune.  It 
was  neither  obtained  by  induftry  nor  inheritance,  but  lavifhed 
on  him  by  the  wayward  caprices  of  female  weaknefs.  He 
mould  reftrain  therefore  the  puerile  ebullition  of  his  vanity, 
and  rely  on  other  confiderations  for  public  favor. 

IN  the  picture  which  I  have  haftily  drawn,  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Clinton  will  no  doubt  recognize  a  juft  refemblance'.  Though  it 
has  not  been  finiflied  with  the  delicate  hues,  and  happy  touches 
of  a  mafter,  a  few  rude  lines  it  is  hoped,  have  given  the  cha- 
racteriftic  features  of  the  original.  I  always  defpaired  of  mak- 
ing the  delineation  perfect ;  a  complete  and  faithful  reprefen- 
tation  of  his  character,  would  defy  all  human  ingenuity,  arid 
fruftrate  the  livelieft  efforts  of  the  mind.  Though  I  may  have 
been  unfuccefsful,  as  truth  is  my  guide,  the  information  of  the 
public,  and  Mr.  Clinton's  reformation  my  only  object,  the  at- 
tempt will  perhaps  produce  fome  good. 

IT  will  naturally  be  afked,  why,  in  my  remarks  on  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  celebrated  council  of  1800  and  1801,  Mr. 
Spencer  has  not  been  more  minutely  noticed.  He  is  not  entitled 
to  particular  attention,  becaufe  Mr.  Clinton  has  uniformly  de- 
clared, and  the  affertion  has  never  been  doubted,  that  Spencer 
acted  entirely  under  his  controul ;  that  he  was  a  mere  engine 
fet  in  motion  to  execute  the  clumfy  plans  which  himfelf  had 
neither  courage  nor  Ikill  to  accomplish.  He  has  moreover  bt- 


f  •  ^ 

Oo 

come  fo  odious  in  the  county  in  which  he  relldcs,  and  through- 
put the  Hate,  that  to  attempt  to  render  him  more  contemptible 
would  be  an  idle  \vafte  of  time.  I  have  already  ftated,  that  this 
celebrated  gentleman,  emerged  from  obfcurity  by  the  iniquity 
of  his  conduct  ;  that  in  the  triumphant  days  of  our  political 
.opponents,  he  was  the  mod  outrageous  and  perfecuting  fede- 
ralifl.  in  the  ftate.  Difappointed  however  j.n  his  views,  and 
tempted  by  the  extravagant  rewards  which  the  republican 
party  offered  to  federal  deferters,  he,  like  Armftrong,  quit  their 
camp,  and  became  a  zealous  fupporter  of  the  men  he  had  lately 
perfecuted.  The  animofity  of  an  apoftate  cannot  be  controuled. 
Savage  and  relentlefs,  he  thirfls  for  vengeance ;  every  public 
confideration  is  fwallowed  up  in  the  deftruclive  vortex  of  pafllon 
and  revenge.  With  malignant  compofure  he  would  view  the 
tumbling  ruins  of  his  country,  if  his  enemies  were  crufhed  be- 
neath them.  Such  is  emphatically  the  temper  of  Ambrofe 
Spencer,  who,  after  his  convcrfion,  was  introduced  to  a  feat  in 
the  legiflature,  by  his  new  friends,  for  the  exprefs  purpofe  of 
perpltxing  and  perfecuting  his  old  ones.  This  tafk  was  faith- 
fully perrormccl.  With  fiend-like  perfeverance  he  purfued  his 
former  affociates,  and  left  nothing  uneflayed  to  torment  the 
party  he  had  betrayed.  If  his  oppofition  to  the  federal  party 
had  flown  from  a  conviction  of  their  errors,  he  would  have  me- 
rited applaufe,  as  far  as  it  was  honorably  conducted.  But  be- 
ing manifeflly  the  refult  of  corrupt  views,  and  interefted  motives, 
he  mould  have  been  driven  from  the  fociety  of  republicans  ;  and 
for  the  honor  of  the  party,  appearances  juftify  the  hope,  that 
this  will  foon  be  done.  His  infolence  and  pride  have  been  to- 
lerated much  longer  than  his  detcfted  character  or  his  talents 
will  juftify. 

INFLATED  with  political  confequence,  and  occafionally 
cloathed  with  a  little  brief  authority,  this  raving  apoftate 
lias  long  beeu  infupportably  iufolent  and  haughty  to  his  equals. 


67 

But  prudently  recollecting  from  whence  he  fprung,  he  is  ever 
humble  and  obfequious  to  his  fuperiois.  An  inflexible  profeffor 
of  virtuous  cowardice,  he  has,  with  Job-like  patience,  fubmitted 
to  chaft  ifement,  until  his  furface  has  become  impenetrable  to 
the  fevereft  operations  of  the  cow-lkin  or  the  cane.  Pointed  at 
wherever  he  goes  by  the  finger  of  fcorn,  tortured  by  the  recol- 
le&ion  of  his  crimes,  and  finking  under  the  deteftation  of  all 
who  know  him  ;  he  fometimes  exhibits,  it  is  faid,  fymptoms  of 
depreffion  and  defpair.  The  black  catalogue  of  his  vices  has 
occafioned  apprehenfions  of  his  deftiny. 

A  PRESENTIMENT  of  a  future  fate  is  not  Uncommon;  it  is 
fometimes  derived  from  a  gloomy  and  difordered  fancy,  and 
fometimes  generated  in  a  vicious  mind.  Spencer,  like  Dr.  Dodd, 
I  have  heard,  is  occafionally  tormented  with  apprehenfions  of 
an  ignominious  death  ;  a  gibbet  at  times  floats  before  his  trou- 
bled vifion,  and  alarms  his  fullen  foul.  Prognofticators  hare 
pronounced  it  indicative  of  his  fate.  Though  I  do  not,  fome 
honed  men  and  firm  friends  to  their  country,  beliere,  that  if 
there  be  juftice  left  on  earth,  and  the  honor  of  the  ftate  is  ever 
to  be  vindicated,  the  prediction  will  certainly  be  verified.  It  is 
not  my  defire,  prematurely  to  alarm  the  feelings  of  this  gentle- 
man, by  remarking  either  on  the  profpeft  or  improbability  of 
this  event.  I  (hall  leave  him  to  be  punifhed  by  the  terrors  of 
conviction,  and  the  convulfions  of  his  own  bofom.  The  moft 
hardened  criminal  is  not  above  contrition,  and  ferious  reflections 
may  ferve  to  turn  him  from  his  ways,  and  warn  him  to  repent. 

As  the  reader  muft  by  this  time  be  difguftcd  with  the  fcenes 
ef  depravity  which  have  been  prefented  to  him  in  the  cha- 
rafters  of  De  Witt  Clinton  and  Ambrofe  Spencer,  I  mail  not 
again  introduce  them  to  his  notice.  Particularly  as  I  propofe 
prefenting  to  the  public  a  fketch  of  our  political  tranfa&ioni 
during  the  years  1801  and  18^2,  in  which  the  conduft  of  thefe 
worthy  compeers  will  be  more  minutely  analyzed.  As  they 


6S 

merit  the  fevereft  reprobation,  they  fliall  not  be  permitted  to 
Hide  out  of  public  notice  unchaflifed.  They  (hall  receive  the 
fame  fate,  and  be  linked  in  infamy  together. 

IF  any  thing  in  the  preceding  pages  mould  bear  the  appear- 
ance of  undue  feverity,  paffion,  or  invective,  the  nature  of  the 
fubject  muft  plead  my  apology.  In  political  controverfies  I  am 
ready  to  allow  that  perfonalities  mould  be  avoided  except  in  ex- 
treme cafes.  Abandoned  and  heedlefs  profligacy,  proceeding 
not  from  the  way  wardnefs  of  the  times,  but  from  inherent  pro- 
penfities  to  mifchief,  cannot  be  checked,  but  by  a  direct  and  po- 
tent application  to  the  very  fource  from  which  it  fprings.  Def- 
perate  difeafes,  require  violent  remedies.  In  them,  no  cure  can 
be  effected  without  cutting  to  the  bone.  Whatever  therefore 
of  personality  may  offend  the  reader,  it  will  be  juftified  I  hope, 
by  the  provocation  which  has  been  given,  and  the  object  I  have 
in  view,  which  is  to  correct  deep  and  obftinate  evils,  and  if  poffi* 
ble  whip  two  hardy  offenders  into  the  path  of  honor. 

I  SHALL  now  return  to  the  main  fubject  of  thefe  pages,  and 
briefly  examine  the  allegations  which  have  been  urged  againit 
the  vice-prefident,  and  the  proof  by  which  it  has  been  attempted 
to  fupport  them.  I  fliall  do  this  as  concifely  as  poflible,  per-  ' 
fuaded  that  a  flight  investigation  is  fufficient  to  convince  every* 
candid  reader,  that  the  whole  tranfaction  has  originated  in  a  pre- 
meditated plan  to  ruin  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Burr.  In  fome 
parts  of  the  voluminous  publications  which  have  appeared  upota 
the  fubject,  we  find  bold  affertions  without  a  particle  of  proof 
to  fupport  them;  in  others  infidious  infinuations  calculated  to 
miflead  the  judgment  of  the  reader,  premifes  arbitrarily  affumed, 
and  concluiiona  drawn  from  them  flill  more  arbitrary  and  falfe, 
We  are  every  where  urged  to  accept  the  iimple  ipfe  dixit  of  an 
unknown  author,  as  indubitable  testimony  of  the  truth  of  what 
he  (lutes.  Thus,  contrary  to  the  juft  and  fimple  maxim,  that 
every  man  is  to  be  deemed  innocent  until  he  is  proved  other- 


69 

n-ife,  contrary  to  ever)'  rule  cf  right  reafbning,  and  fair  argu- 
rnent,  the  fecond  officer  in  the  government  is  to  be  pronounced 
guilty  of  difhonorable  conduct,  and  robbed  of  his  fame  upon 
the  bare  fuggettion  of  an  anonymous  writer. 

Tt'K  real  authors*  of  thefe  productions,  though  known, 
have  never  dared  to  avow  their  names  ;  they  a&ed  a  more  deep 
aud  fubtle  part.  At  firft  they  contented  tliemfelves  with  pre- 
paring the  credulity  of  the  public  by  vague  furmifes,  for  the 
reception  of  the  calumnies  that  were  to  follow.  When  thefe 
appeared,  they  for  a  while  affected  ignorance  of  their  fource, 
but  exprefied  violent  fufpicions  that  there  was  caufe  for  alarm, 
which  foon  terminated  in  a  conviction  that  Mr.  Burr  had  aban- 
doned the  principles  he  profcffed,  had  betrayed  his  party,  and, 
that  w  patriots  they  were  bound  to  aid  in  the  deflru&ion  of  a 
man  who  had  becpme  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  their  btl-j-ccd 
country.  The  tocfm  of  alarm  was  founded.  Mr.  Burr's  guilt 
w.f,  proclaimed  far  and  wide,  while  he  was  at  a  diftance  from 
the  frene  of  action,  and  unable  even  by  a  denial  to  check  the 
prugrefs  cf  His  defamation.  Thoufands  were  deceived  by  thefe 
artifices.,  They  did  not  know  what  ingenious  preparations  had 
been  made.  They  did  not  know  that  all  the  printers  in  the 
ftatc  who  were  eahcr  dhectly,  or  indirectly  under  the  influence 
of  the  government,  had  been  previously  engaged  to  circulate  1 
the  flinders  \vl.icU  wer«  originated  in  New-York  ;  that  the  mod  | 
perfonal  and  abufive  manufcripts  were  prepared  in  this  city  and 
icnt  to  country  editors,  to  be  publiflird  either  as  communica- 
tions or  editorial  remai-ks;  and  that  \vl\atappeai-edto  them, 
the  expreffion  of  the  public  fcntiment,  was  notuiag  but  the  ef- 
fecc  of  pre-concert,  and  an  artful  combination  among  the  per- 
fonal enemies  of  Mr.  Burr.  When  Mr.  Burr  was  nominated 
to  the  vicc-pn-fidency,  the  government  of  the  ftate,  by.  hie  o\rn 
aid  and  exertions,  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  who  ] 

*  De  Witt  Clinton  aided  by  Samuel  Ofgood. 
K 


70 

converted  it  into  an  engine  to  effect  his  ruin.  The  pamphieft 
in  which  he  was  calumniated,  were  circulated  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  officers  of  the  government,  and  conveyed  by  every 
pofiible  channel  into  the  remoteft  corners  of  the  Hate. 

THUS  aided,  the  author  of  The  f^ieiu,  advantageoufly  com- 
menced his  attack  on  the  vice-prefident,  and  has  fmce  continu- 
ed his  labours.  Thefe  it  is  believed  will  be  more  properly  ap- 
preciated, after  his  productions  mall  have  been  analyzed.  I 
mall  refume  the  examination  of  The  View,  &c.  where  I  left  it. 

IN  the  43d  page  of  that  production  is  the  following  para- 
graph. 

"  THE  moment  he  (Mr.  Burr)  was  nominated,  he  put  into 
operation  a  moft  extenfi  ve,  complicated,  and  wicked  fyftem  of  in- 
trigue, to  place  himfelf  in  the  prefidential  chair.  He  fet  to  work 
all  his  inventive  powers,  and  in  fome  inilances,  employed  men  to 
carry  his  plans  into  execution,  who  neither  perceived  their  na- 
ture nor  extent.  In  the  furtherance  of  his  intrigues,  he  fpared 
no  pains,  nor  was  he  parfimonious  of  expence.  The  exprcffes 
kept  on  foot,  the  men  he  employed,  and  the  expences  of  their 
various  agencies,  muft  have  coft  him  a  fum  little  lefs  than  one 
year's  falary  of  his  office.  Mr.  Burr  feems  to  have  carried  on 
zfecret  correfpondence  with  the  federalifts  from  the  period  of 
his  nomination." 

THE  fafts  adduced  to  fupport  this  charge  fliall  be  noticed  i« 
the  order  in  which  they  occur. 

IN  the  fiiib  place  it  is  faid  that  Mr.  Burr  fent  political  agents 
to  the  different  Hates.  What  were  the  particular  objects  with 
which  thefe  agents  were  charged,  is  not  ftated.  If  their  ob- 
jects were,  to  effect  the  election  of  Mr.  Burr  to  the  prefidency» 
it  fhouldhave  been  fliewn  that  they  tampered  with  the  electors 
after  they  were  chofen,  and  attempted  to  divert  their  votes  from 
Mr.  Jcfferfon.  If  this  is  not  done,  the  aflertion  that  Mr.  Burr 
I>«d  agents  in  the  different  ilatea,  if  proved,  amounts  .to  nothing. 


71 

But  unfortunately  for  the  author  of  The  View,  &c.  whenever 
he  is  fo  incautious  as  to  refer  to  gentlemen  by  name,  they  dif- 
prove  and  falfify  the  very  charges  which  it  was  his  object  to  efta- 
blifh.      Mr.  Abraham  Bifhop,  he  fays,  was  Mr.  Burr's  agent  at 
Laucafter.     This  gentleman  in  two  publications  addrefled  to 
the  editors  of  the  American  Citizen,  and  published  in  their  pa- 
per, the  firft  on  the  third,  and  the  other  on  the  iQth^of  Augufl, 
1802,   explicitly  denies  that  Mr.   Burr  fent  him  to  Lancafter, 
or  that  he  went  there  for  any  purpofes  perfonally  or  politically   I 
regarding  that  gentleman.*     But  admitting  for  a  moment  that   ' 
Mr.  Bilhop  had  gone  to  Pennfylvania  at  the  requeft  of  Mr.  Burr, 
he  could  manifeftly  have  had  no  other  object  iu  view,  than  to  in- 
duce the  fenate  of  that  ftate  to  yield  to  the  aflembly,  and  fuffcr 
fifteen  republican  electors  to  be  appointed.     This  indeed  is  the 
only  object  afcribed  to  him  by  the  author  of  The   V\eiu>   &c. 
and  was  it  not  one,  the  accomplimment  of  which  was  devoutly 
wilhed  for,  by  every  man  who  felt  an  intereft  in  the  momentous 
tranfactions  of  that  day;  in  as  much  as  it  would  have  effected, 
beyond  the  poffibility  of  defeat,  the  election  of  the  republican 
candidates  for  the  two  firft  offices  in  the  general  government. 
But  in  that  cafe,  fays  the  author  of  The  Fie-w,  &c.  "  the  federal- 
ills  would  have  had  no  hopes  of  fuccefs,  and  Dr.  Smith  of  New- 
Jerfey  was  fecretly  to  have  voted  for  Mr.  Burr,  and  thus  made 
him  prefident  of  the  United  States."     To  this  infinuation  Dr. 
Smith  replied  in  the  following  manner : 

"  Princeton,  July  29,  1802. 

"  TO  THE   EDITOR  OF    THE  EVENING   POST. 
«  SIR, 

"   IN    your  paper  of  Monday  July   26,   under  the  article 
entitled,  A  Vieva  of  the  political  conduct  of  Aaron  JSurr,  Efq.  by 

*  Tkefe  publications  would  have  been  infertcil  heret  tut  tuiif 
length  renitrs  it  ncccjjkry  t-i  9>nit  them. 


72 

the  author  of  the  Narrative,  I  obferve  feme  very  grofs  mifre- 
pn  fLntatiom,  which  I  conceive  it  to  be  a  duty  that  I  owe  to 
Mr.  Eurr,  the  New-Jerfey  electors,  and  myfclf,  to  declare  to  be 
abfolutely  falfe. — Mr.  Burr  never  vifited  me  on  the  fubject  of 
the  late  election  for  prefrdent  and  vice-prefident — Mr.  Burr  ne- 
rer  converfed  with  me  a  fmgle  fecond  on  the  fubject  of  that  elec- 
tion, either  before  or  fiace  the  event.  No  project  or  plan  of  the 
kind  mentioned  in  that  paper  was  propofed  or  hinted  at  among 
the  eleftors  of  New-Jerfey.  I  am  afTured  that  Mr.  Burr  held 
no  intrigue  with  them,  on  that  occafion,  either  collectively  or 
individually.  They  were  men  above  intrigue;  and  I  do  not 
know  that  he  was  difpofed  to  ufe  it.  At  their  meeting,  they 
ufianimoufly  declared  that  a  fair  and  manly  vote  according  to 
their  fentiments  was  the  only  conduct  which  was  worthy  of  then- 
own  characters,  or  of  their  caufe. 

«  SAML.  S.  SMITH." 

HERE  then  fails  every  thing  that  has  been  afierted,  relative  to 
the  New-Jerfey  electors.  Dr.  Smith's  integrity)  Ws  public  and 
deliberate  afiertior,  I  truft,  will  not  be  doubted.  From  this  it 
manifcflly  appears,  that  the  electors  of  New-Jerfey  were  not  to 
have  voted  for  Mr.  Burr  in  any  poffible  cafe,  and  that  he  never 
aL'.^/Tipted  to  influence  their  conduct  upon  that  occafion.  If 
even  Mr.  Burr  had  attempted  to  throw  the  whole  weight  of 
Pennfylnraia  into  the  republican  fcale,  he  would  have  been  per- 
fectly juftifiable,  and  merited  the  approbation  of  the  party. 
But  every  thi'ig  which  has  been  infmuated  againft  the  vice-pre- 
fident  with  regard  to  his  interference  with  the  proceedings  of 
that  ftate,  and  his  intrigues  with  the  New- Jerfcy -electors,  has 
been  fully  and  decifively  denied  by  Mr.  Bifhop  and  Dr.  Smith. 

THIS  charge,  therefore,  againft  Mr.  Eurrmuft  be  abandoned, 
not  only  as  unfupported,  but  as  proved to  be  totally  erroneous 
*nd  falfe. 


IT  is  urged  with  a  zeal  bordering  on  madnefs,  that  from  the 
moment  of  Mr.  Burr's  nomination  to  the  vice-prefidency,  he  ex- 
erted all  his  talents  and  ingenuity  to  obtain  an  equality  of  votes 
with  Mr.  Jefferfon.  It  is  not  even  pretended  that  he  attempted 
to  influence  a  fingle  elector  to  drop  Mr.  Jefferfon,  which  would 
have  fecured  to  him  the  chief  magiftracy  of  the  United  States. 
This  obvious  mode  of  accomplishing  his  defigns,  any  one  who 
was  not  an  ideot,  would  certainly  have  adopted.  Can  the  mon- 
ftrous  abfurdity  be  for  a  moment  believed,  that  a  man  of  Mr. 
'Burr's  difcernment,  actuated  by  the  ambitious  feeling-;  afcribed 
•to  him,  would  hazard  a  reliance  on  the  remote  probability  of 
•influencing  a  majority  of  rcprefentatives  from  three  ftates  in 
congrefs,  rather  than  attempt  to  bring  a  folitary  elector  into  his 
vic\vs.  This  can  certainly  never  be  prefumed;  efpecially  as  it  is 
well  known  in  this  ftate,  that  two  or  three  at  leaft,  of  the  elec- 
tors would  have  dropped  Mr.  Jefferfon,  if  Mr.  Burr  had  ex- 
preffed  a  wim  to  that  effect.  Let  it  be  therefore  fhewn  that 
Mr.  Burr  intrigued  with  fome  of  the  electors;  that  he  attempt- 
ed U>  divert  their  ftiffrages  from  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and  the  contro- 
verfy  with  him,  is  at  an  end.  But  no,  this  attempt  the  political 
enemies  of  Mr.  Burr  dare  not  make.  This  plain  and  fimple 
conduct  cannot  further  their  defigns.  To  affift  their  purpofes 
they  muft  torture  the  plaineft  language,  the  moil  immaterial 
circumftances  into  prefumpl'mc  teftimony,  to  create  a  fufpicion 
that  Mr.  Burr  wiflied  to  be  prefident  of  the  United  States. 
Like  able  conjurers,  they  envelope  the  enchanted  witneffes  of 
their  machinations  in  a  cloud  of  myfterious  nonfenfe,  and  agitate 
their  affrighted  imaginations,  until  convulfed  with  terror,  they 
fee  fpectres  at  their  elbows,  and  monfters  threatening  them  with 
ruin.  The  fears  of  the  community  muft  be  awakened,  fufpicion, 
which  they  know  is  next  to  ruin,  muft  be  attached  to  the  cha- 
racter of  Mr.  Burr,  or  their  pretended  proofs  can  produce  no 
impreffion.  Like  the  drunken  and  maniacal  revolutionifts  of 


74 

France,  they  firit  utter  imprecations  agaipft  their  victim,  and 
tear  up  his  reputation  by  the  roots,  then  fcatter  falfhoods  in  the 
(hape  of  accufations,  and  call  it  proof.  Let  the  elector  who  was 
folicited  at  the  late  election,  to  withhold  his  vote  from  Mr.  Jef- 
ferfon  be  named,  and  then  their  afiertions  will  be  worthy  of  at- 
tention. 

WHILE  on  this  fubjedt,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  notice  fome 
insinuations  which  are  fcattered  throughout  the  publications 
that  have  appeared  againfl  Mr.  Burr,  relative  to  his  conduct  in 
this  ftate.  They  are  intended  to  excite  a  fufpiclon  that  fome 
underftanding  exifted  between  Mr.  Burr  and  one  of  the  electors. 
To  jufUfy  this  fufptclon,  Cheetham  in  his  feventh  letter  to  Mr. 
Burr,  Pcates,  that  Mr.  Lifpenard  in  a  converfation  at  Hudfon, 
fubfequent  to  the  day  on  which  the  electors  had  given  their  fuf- 
frages,  faid,  "  that  if  he  had  fuppofed,  that  Mr.  Jefferfon-  and  Mr. 
BUIT  would  have  had  an  equal  number  of  votes,  he  would  have 
dropped  Mr.  JcfFerfon."*  Whether  this  ftatement  is  true  or 
not,  I  fhall  not  inquire.  If  correct,  it  is  conclufive  evidence  of 
the  rectitude  of  Mr.  Burr's  conduct.  It  is  allowed  that  Mr. 
JLifper.ard  is  a  very  intimate  and  perfonal  friend  of  Mr.  Burr; 
if  therefore,  he  had  entertained  any  defign  of  fupplanting  Mr. 
JefFtrfon,  Mr.  Lifpenard  would  certainly  have  been  the  firft 
elector  to  whom  his  wifhes  would  have  been  difclofed.  Agreea- 
ble to  Mr.  Cheetham's  ftatement,  if  Mr.  Lifpenard  had  been 
informed  that  there  would  probably  be  an  equality  of  votes  be- 
tween the  two  candidates,  he  would  have  dropped  Mr.  Jefferion. 
It  follows  then,  that  the  profpect  of  fuch  an  event  was  never 
Juggefted  to  Mr.  Lifpenard,  and  that  no  deiire  was  ever  ex- 
prefled,  that  Mr.  Burr  alone  fhould  be  voted  for.  According, 
therefore,  to  every  rational  deduction,  it  mull  be  evident  to  the 
reader,  that  nothing  like  intrigue  was  attempted  with  the  elec" 

*  See  pamphlet  contain' rg  nine  Utters    of  jfamet    Chcciham   t» 
Burr,  fi^f  30. 


tors  of  this  ftate.  This  is  a  poiition  which,  however  indubita^ 
ble  it  may  be,  is  in  itfelf  unfufceptible  of  proof.  It  is  fufficient 
that  the  vague  afiertions  on  this  fubject,  are  not  warranted  by 
any  tcftimony  whkh  has  appeared.  The  authors  therefore  of 
the  calumnies  againft  the  vice-prefldent  are  fet  at  defiance,  and 
folicited  to  reduce  their  idle  furmifes  to  fpecific  charges,  and 
to  prove  them.  Confcious  that  Mr.  Burr's  conduct  relative  to 
the  choice  of  electors  was  uniformly  unexceptionable,  and  that 
no  attempts  were  made  to  rtftrain  or  counteract  the  voluntary* 
exprcflion  of  their  fentiments  in  the  choice  of  a  prefident,  the 
enemies  of  Mr.  Burr  have  wifely  abandoned  this  ground,  and 
infift  that  his  ingenuity  was  fteadily  exerted  to  obtain  an  equality 
of  votes  with  Mr.  JtfFcrfon. 

As  they  have  determinined  to  afcribe  this  courfe  to  Mr.  Burr, 
it  will  be  well  to  examine  what  circumitanccs  are  relied  on  to 
bear  them  out.  Though  this  pofition,  by  the  perfeve.-ance  of 
the  federal  minority  in  congrefs,  and  a  variety  of  other  circum- 
ftances,  has  bee:i  rendered  more  advantageous  to  the  iniquitous 
projects  of  a  few  ambitious  men,  and  to  the  .progrefs  of  well 
arranged  and  preconcerted  calumnies,  ilill  upon  a  tair  invejliga- 
tioirit  will  certainly  prove  equally  untenable. 

FIRST,  it  is  dated,  that  in  order  to  induce  the  foutheru 
ftates  to  give  the  two  candidates  an  equal  number  of  votes,  it 
was  reported  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Burr,  that  in  Rhode-Ifland, 
Mr.  Jcfferfon  would  have  one  or  two  votes,  and  Mr.  Burr 
none  ;  thus  to  diffipate  fouthern  jealoufy,  and  prevent  a  diver- 
fion  in  their  votes. 

THAT  a  report  of  this  kind  prevailed  is  certainly  true,  but 
that  it  originated  in  difhonorable  motives,  is  notorioufly  falfe. 
My  knowledge  of  the  circumftances  on  which  it  was  founded, 
enables  me  to  make  this  declaration.  It  is  aflerted  as  a  fact, 
which  dare  not  be  denitd,  thr.t  the  governor  of  Rhode-Iflaud, 
who  expected  to  have  been  one  of  the  electors,  told  Col.  \Vil- 


lett,  the  revolutionary  officer  alluded  to  in  The  View,*  as  well 
as  others,  that  he  would  vote  for  Mr.  Jefferfon,  but  not  for  Mr. 
Burr,  and  alfo  that  he  had  declared  this  to  Mr.  Burr  himfelf, 
whom  he  faid,  approved  of  his  intentions.  Col.  Willett  wrote 
this  to  feveral  of  his  friends,  which  gave  rife  to  the  report  in 
queftion,  and  on  what  better  foundation  could  it  reft  ?  It  is  cer- 
tainly fufficient  to  exonerate  thofe  who  repeated  it  from  impro- 
per views.  Whether  it  had  any  influence  in  determining  the 
conduct  of  the  electors  in  the  fouthern  flates  is  not  known,  nor 
is  it  material.  But  according  to  The  View,  Mr.  Burr  was  de- 
termined at  all  events  not  to  have  a  greater,  but  an  equal  num- 
ber of  votes  with  Mr.  Jefferfon.  With  this  view,  it  is  faid, 
"  the  Rhode-Ifland  report  was  circulated,  and  the  better  to  en- 
force its  truth  and  enfure  fuccefs  to  this  favorite  object,  Mr.  T. 
Green  was  fent  to  Columbia,  and  correfponded  with  the  vice- 
prefident  on  the  fubje£l  of  the  then  approaching  election,  under 
cover  to  Mr.  Swartwout.  To  this  charge  thefe  gentlemen  re- 
ply in  the  following  manner  : 

"  New-Tori,  Oftober  1 1,   1802. 

"  MESSRS.   DF.NNISTON    &   CHEETHAM, 

"  IN  the  American  Citizen  of  this  day,  yon  have  made  a 
publication,  to  which  you  have  affixed  your  names.  In  this 
you  have  ftated,  ift,  that  Timothy  Green,  of  this  City,  was 
difpatched  as  an  agent  to  Columbia,  the  feat  of  government  of 
the  flate  of  South-Carolina,  by  the  vice-prefident.  2dly,  That 
he  was  the  eulogift  and  interceflbr  for  the  vice-prefident.  S^ly, 
That  he  fent  the  vice-prefident  difpatches  regularly,  addrefled 
to  Mr.  John  Swartwout  of  this  city,  under  cover. 

"  Now,  as  you  have  been  moft  egregioufly  impofed  upon  by 
fome  diforganizing  perfons,  it  is  your  duty,  and  mine,  that  the 
public  be  immediately  furnifhed  with  both  what  were  and  what 
were  not  my  inducements  and  motives,  in  making  a  journey  in 

"*  See  View,  page  47.. 


November  1 800,  to  Columbia,  and  of  my  conduit  while  there. 
For  this  purpofe,  you  will  pleafe  to  infert  in  your  paper  of  to- 
mofrdw,  the  following  corrections  to  your  ftatement : 

•  "  I  ft,  1  AVER,  that  I  never  went  on  any  mefiage  of  a  political 
nature  to  Columbia,  in  South  Carolina,  or  to  any  other  place, 
for  the  vice-prefident,  or  any  other  perfon;  neither  was  I  ever 
requefted  or  defired  by  the  vice-prefident,  or  by  any  other  per- 
fon, to  go  to  Columbia,  in  South  Carolina,  or  any  other  place, 
on  any  political  or  electioneering  miffion,  of  any  name  or  nature 
tvhatfoever.      On   the  contrary,  my  journey  to   Columbia,  in 
South  Carolina,  in  the  year  of  our   Lord  one  thoufand  eight 
hundred,  and  my   engagements  until  my   return  in  -1801,  was 
wholly  unfolicited  by  any  perfon  (except  my  debtors  in  South 
Carolina;)  and  were   folely  of  a   commercial   nature,  and  for 
which  I. had  been  preparing  eight  months  before. 

-  "  2dly,  THAT  I  never  wrote  a  letter  to  the  vice-prefident  of 
a  political  nature  ;  neither  did  I  write  him  any  information  re- 
lative to  the  prefidential  election  in  South  Carolina,  neither  did 
I  ever  enclofe  a  letter,  directed  to  the  vice-prefident,  in  a  letter 
or  cover  directed  to  Mr.  John  Swartwout. 

"  3dly,  THAT  my  letters  to  Mr.  Swartwout  while  in  South 
Carolina  were  unfolicited,  and  written  folely  with  the  motive  to 
relieve  the  minds  of  my  friends  from  the  anxiety  necefiaril  af- 
tendant  on  a  (late  of  fufpenfe,  while  an  important  event  is  hourly 
expected  to  take  place. 

"  4thly,  THAT  I  never  was  in  the  habit  of  eulogifing  public 
men,  neither  did  I  vary  from  my  ufual  manners  while  in  South 
Carolina.  I  had  no  occafion  to  intercede  for  the  election  of 
Gol.  Burr :  all  the  fear  I  had  while  there,  was  left  a  compro- 
mife  might  take  place,  as  the  political  parties  were  nearly  ba- 
lanced in  the  ftate  legiflature.  This  I  did,  as  far  as  in  my  pow- 
er, conicientioufly  endeavor  to  prevent ;  knowing  that  if  union 
and  good  faith  were  not  inviolably  prefervcd  among  th« 


78 

tutional  republicans,  our   past,  prefent   and  future  exertion* 
would  be  entirely  unavailing. 

"  TIMOTHY  GREEN." 

THE  information  contained  in  this  letter,  explicit  as  it  is,  is 
confirmed  and  corroborated  by  the  following  one  of  Mr.  Swart- 
wout : 

"  FOR   THE    AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 
"  Meflrs.  DENNISTON  &  CHEETHAM, 

"  IN  your  feventh  letter  addrefled  to  Aaron  Burr,  Efq.  vice- 
prefident  of  the  United  States,  published  in  the  American  Citi- 
zen of  the  i  ith  inftant,  I  notice  the  following  paragraph,  viz. 

'  MEANTIME,  fir,  you  had  your  eye  on  South-Carolina,  you 
difpatched  an  agent,  Mr.  Timothy  Green  of  this  city  to  Co- 
lumbia, the  feat  of  government  of  that  Hate.  It  was  queftion- 
able  whether  South-Carolina  would  give  you  a  fingle  vote.  At 
that  period  you  were  fcarcely  known  in  the  ftate.  Mr.  Green 
was  at  Columbia  at  leaft  two  months.  He  was  your  eulogift ; 
your  iqterceffor  ;  he  fent  your  difpatches  regularly;  they  were 
addrefled  to  Mr.  John  Swartwout  of  this  city  under  cover,  and 
by  him  communicated  to  you.' 

".  You  will  pleafe  to  inform  the  public,  through  the  medium 
of  your  paper,  that  the  above  paragraph,  fo  far  as  relates  to 
iny  receiving  letters  under  cover,  or  communications  from  Mr. 
Timothy  Green  for  Aaron  Burr,  is  utterly  deftitute  of  truth. 

"  JNO.  SWARTWOUT. 

«  Nfsa-Tork,  October  13,   l8o2." 

BY  this  time  I  think  the  reader  muft  be  convinced  that  Mr. 
Burr  never  attempted  to  influence  the  fuffrages  of  any  of  the 
electors,  or  to  withhold  a  fingle  vote  from  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and 
that  the  equality  of  votes  between  them,  was  purely  the  refult 
of  acccident  and  good  faith.  This  clearly  appears  from  the 
tiew  which  has  been  taken  of  the  fubjecl;  thus  far,  and  the  to- 


79 

tal  want  of  teftimony  to  juftify  the  infinuattons  which  have  beca 
made. 

I  SHALL  now  proceed  to  examine  the  juftice  of  the  cenfures 
which  have  been  fo  abundantly  and  fcurriloufly  laviflied  upon 
the  vice  prefident,  in  confequence  of  his  conduct  fubfequent  to 
its  being  known  that  he  had  an  equal  number  of  votes  with  Mr, 
Jefferfon. 

IT  will  not  be  denied,  I  prefume,  that  in  all  cafes  where  fpe- 
cific  charges  are  made  againft  an  individual,  the  burthen  of  proof 
refts  upon  the  accufing  party.  All  juft  rules  of  inveftigation, 
demand  that  he  fhould  prove  his  afTertions.  It  never  can  be  ex- 
pected that  the  other  fhould  prove  a  negative  pofitton;  that  he 
fhould  prove  his  innocence,  which  is  almoft  univerfally  impracti- 
cable. Nor  ought  thofe  whofe  province  it  is  to  decide  upon 
the  truth  or  falfhood  of  any  given  accufations  that  involves  the 
private  and  political  reputation  of  an  eminent  and  ufeful  indi- 
vidual, to  be  fatisfied  with  declarations  that  more  than  pre- 
fumptlve  teftimony  cannot  be  adduced.  This  is  peculiarly  for- 
bidden by  the  nature  of  the  cafe  under  examination.  The 
enemies  of  the  vice-prefident,  after  reiterating  for  months,  the 
moft  injurious  charges  againft  him,  and  daily  offering  to  prove 
them  in  a  court  of  juftice,  declaring  to  individuals  and  the  pub- 
lic, that  the  moft  indubitable  teftimony  was  in  their  pofTeflion, 
now  do  not  blufh  to  allow,  in  their  own  publications,  that  po- 
fitive  proof  cannot  be  obtained.  Infilling  at  the  fame  time, 
that  the  ingenuity  of  Mr.  Burr,  and  the  intricacy  of  his  cha- 
racter, are  fuch,  that  evidence  ought  to  be  accepted  inferior  to 
that  which  would  be  requifite  to  convict  any  other  man  of  dif- 
honorable  conduct.  The  modefty  of  thefe  gentlemen,  certain- 
ly deferves  applaufe.  That  Mr.  Burr's  charafter  fhould  appear 
intricate  to  them,  is  not  fingular.  The  condud  of  an  honeft 
man  is  always  unaccountable  in  the  view  of  knaves.  Driven 
to  this  humiliating  confcffion,  they  have  no  other  refource  than 


80 

to  attempt,  by  an  artful  exhibition  of  circumftances,  to  juflify 
their  fufpicions,  to  fix  a  ftigma  upon  his  character,  and  fhield 
themfelves  from  thejuft  indignation  of  the  public.  Convinced 
that  the  difpofition  of  the  human  mind  is  prone  to  fufpicion, 
that  it  cheriflies  a  credulity  favorable  to  the  introduction  of  ca- 
lumny, and  that  it  often  catches  at  the  probability  of  circum- 
ftances  as  a  fure  and  fubftantial  ground  of  faith,  incidents  the 
moft  trivial  in  their  nature  and  accidental  in  their  occurrence, 
have  been  conjured  up  to  increafe  the  quantity,  if  not  the  value 
of  their  teftimony. 

THE  country  has  at  length  been  fo  deluged  with  ingenious 
and  wicked  publications,  under  the  name  and  in  the  form  of 
evidence,  that  the  people  are  bewildered  by  thefe  fophiftical  ef- 
forts of  exafperated  enmity.  With  flagitious  levity  they  have 
been  led  into  the  wide  field  of  conjecture,  and  without  a  ray  of 
light  to  direct  their  Heps,  have  been  left  to  wander  in  the  laby- 
rynth  prepared  to  perplex  them,  until,  exhaufted  with  unavail- 
ing efforts  to  arrive  at  truth,  they  have  refted  on  inferences 
drawn  from  unfupported  aflertions,  and  rejoice  to  call  them 
proofs.  In  fhort,  rather  than  continue  the  labor  attendant  on 
an  accurate  inveftigation  into  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  con- 
troverfy  in  queftion,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  has  been  con- 
ducted, a  great  portion  of  the  people  have  encouraged  the  dan- 
gerous influence  of  firfl  impreflions,  and  yielded  to  the  current 
of  abufe,  which  has  been  impelled  from  its  fource,  by  the  con- 
vulfions  of  difappointed  ambition.  If  I  (hall  be  fo  fortunate  as 
to  difpel  this  mental  indolence,  and  awaken  an  accurate  and 
impartial  examination  into  the  evidence,  which  has  been  pro- 
duced to  prejudice  the  public  mind  againft  Mr.  Burr,  by  his 
political  opponents,  I  humbly  hope  to  make  manifeft  their  ma- 
lice and  his  integrity. 

ALL  the  indulgence  I  mall  folicit  on  this  occafion,  is  that 
thofe  who  have  commenced  the  attack  on  the  vice-prefident, 


81 

(hall  not  be  allowed  to  impeach  the  credibility  of  their  own  wit- 
nefles.  When  they  refer  to  perfons  by  name,  as  having  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  tranfactions  of  which  they  fpeak,  and  call 
on  them  to  fupport  their  ftatements,  and  thefe  very  perfons  un- 
equivocally deny  the  truth  of  their  aflertions,  it  is  but  reafona- 
ble  that  they  fhould  be  concluded  by  their  evidence,  and  not  be 
permitted  to  accufe  them  of  prevarication  and  falfehood.  It 
will  eafily  be  perceived  that  if  this  privilege  is  not  withheld,  no 
controverfy  can  ever  be  terminated;  for  an  endlefs  number  of 
perfons  may  be  referred  to,  and  the  period  of  acquital  be  pro- 
tracted beyond  the  ordinary  period  of  human  exiftence.  It  is 
believed  that  the  pofition  here  contended  for,  will  be  readily  re- 
cognized as  juft.  At  all  events,  the  leaft  that  can  be  granted 
is,  full  credit  to  thofe  who  have  favored  the  public  with  any 
communications  on  this  fubject,  particularly  as  in  point  of  cha- 
racter they  are  all  fuperior  to  thofe  who  are  oppofed  to  them. 

IN  examining  this  part  of  the  charges  againfl  Mr.  Burr,  I 
{hall  not  hazard  the  imputation  of  prolixity,  as  I  am  perfuaded 
it  is  fufceptible  of  a  brief  and  concife  refutation. 

HITHERTO  I  have  confined  myfelf  to  the  order  in  which  the 
accufations  againft  the  vice-prefident  have  been  ftated  in  the 
"  View  of  his  Political  Conduct."  But  as  the  nine  letters  ad- 
drefled  to  that  gentleman  by  James  Cheetham,  are  moft  relied 
on  by  their  author,  I  fliall  attack  him  in  this  his  boafted  fortrefs, 
and  begin  by  analyzing  his  eighth  letter.  The  firfl  feven  are 
copied  verbatim,  from  The  View  juft  mentioned. 

THIS  elaborate  production  commences,  as  ufual,  with  a  page 
or  two  of  vague  and  abufive  declamation  againft  the  general 
character  of  Mr.  Burr.  Then  is  ftated  the  allegation  which 
is  now  to  be  examined,  and  Mr.  Burr's  denial,  which  are  a« 
follows : 

"  MR.  BURR,  while  in  the  city  of  New- York,  carried  on  a 
"  negotiation  with  the  heads  of  the  federal  party  at  Wafting- 


19 

."  ton,  with  a  view  to  his  election  as  prefident  of  the  United 
"  States.  A  perfon  was  authorifed  by  them  to  confer  with  him 
"  on  the  fubject,  who  accordingly  did  fo.  Mr.  Burr  affented 
"  to  the  propofitions  of  the  negociator,  and  referred  him  to  his 
«'  confidential  friend  to  complete  the  negociation.  Mr.  Burr 
"  ftated,  that  after  the  firft  vote  taken  in  the  houfe  of  repre- 
«*  fentatives,  New- York  and  Tcnneflee  would  give  in  to  the  fe- 
"  deralifts."  View,  p.  57 — 8. 

Mr-  Burr's  denial  of  this  charge  is  couched  in  the  fuccetding 
terms  : 

"  You  are  at  liberty  to  declare  from  me,  that  all  thofe  charges 
"  and  infmuations  which  aver  or  intimate  that  I  advifed  or  coun- 
*'  tenanced  the  oppofition  made  to  Mr.  Jefferfon  pending  the 
"  late  election  and  balloting  for  prefident ;  that  I  propofed  or 
"  agreed  to  any  terms  with  the  federal  party ;  that  I  affented  to 
*'  be  held  up  in  oppofition  to  him,  or  attempted  to  withdraw 
*'  from  him  the  vote  or  fupport  of  any  man,  whether  in  or  out 
"  of  congrefs;  THAT  ALL  SUCH  ASSERTIONS  AND  INTIMA- 

"  TIONS  ARE   FALSE    AND  GROUNDLESS." 

Mr.  Burr's  letter  to  Governor  Bloom- 
feldy  dated  Sept.  21,    1 8  02. 

THIS  denial,  explicit  and  peremptory  as  it  is,  coming  from 
a  man  high  in  office  and  in  the  eftimation  of  the  world,  whofe 
veracity  has  never  been  called  in  queftion,  is  entitled  to  great 
confideration,  and  full  credit,  unlefs  the  moft  irrefiftible  evi- 
dence is  produced  to  prove  its  fallacy.  In  it  we  find  nothing 
like  evafion.  No  attempt  to  elude  any  charge,  but  a  full  and 
fair  denial  of  them  all.  No  ingenious  and  complicated  tales 
therefore,  no  vague  furmifes  fhould  be  allowed  to  counteract  its 
force.  Of  thefe  however  is  this  epiflle  entirely  compofed.  Not 
a  particle  of  direct  teftimony  does  it  contain. 

THE  next  article  in  this  production  that  arrcfts  our  attention 
is  an  anonymous  commuaication,  furniflied  as  is  faid  by  a  gentle- 


man  of  unlhmi/bed  cLaraSery  and  a  friend  of  Mr.  C&cet&am. 
How  far  this  is  compatible,  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  can 
readily  decide.  It  has  now  become  impoflible  for  a  man  to 
fuftain  a  fair  reputation,  and  be  the  companion  of  James  Cheet- 
ham.  His  intimacy  blafts  the  faireft  fame.  "  His  acquaint- 
ance is  infamy."  His  fociety  fixes  indelible  difgrace  upon  thofe 
who  tolerate  his  prefence.  Even  thofe  who  have  goaded  him 
on  in  his  career  of  wickednefs  and  folly,  flirink  from  a  faluta- 
tion  in  the  ttreet,  and  fteal  to  his  refidence  in  the  filent  hours  of 
the  night,  when  innocence  and  virtue  feek  repofe,  but  when 
the  fpirits  of  the  vicious  are  mod  turbulent  and  active. 

THE  communication  in  queftion  is  certainly  too  trifling  to 
excite  any  other  emotion  than  that  of  contempt  for  its  author. 
But  as  it  has  been  given  to  the  public  with  an  air  of  importance 
and  myftery,  it  may  be  well  perhaps  to  give  it  a  few  moment* 
confideration.  It  begins  thus: 

«<  Jr.r.e  25,  1802. 

"  DR.  LIKN-  and  the  Reverend  Mr.  Abeel  of  this  city  told 
me,  in  a  converfation  I  had  with  them,  that  they  believed  Aaron 
Burr  had  correfponded  with  federal  members  of  congrefs  to  get 
himfelf  elected  prefident  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  had 
agreed  to  come  into  their  meafures." 

THESE  gentlemen  may  have  believed  what  they  are  here  made 
to  fay.  But  if  in  the  fequel  it  mould  appear  that  their  impref- 
fions  were  received  from  vague  report,  derived  from  whifpera 
and  furmifes  floating  in  the  circles  of  Mr.  Burr's  political  ene- 
mies, their  belief  on  this  occafion  will  certainly  be  of  little  mo- 
ment. From  the  very  communication  before  us,  it  clearly  ap- 
pears that  they  had  no  fpecific  information  to  fupport  their 
opinions. 

THIS  is  evident;  for  when  this  obliging  communicator 
firft  oonverfed  with  thefe  reverend  gentlemen,  they  leTieved  that 
Mr.  Burr  had  correfpondcd  with  federal  members  of  congref*, 


84 

for  the  purpofe  of  obtaining  the  prefidency  of  the  United 
States.  "  Sometime  after,  however,"  fays  this  honeft  friend 
of  Mr.  Cheetham,  "  I  faw  Mr.  Abeel,  and  he  faid  it  was  a  mlf- 
take  that  Mr.  Burr  had  correfponded  with  federal  members  of 
congrefs,  but  he  had  made  a  verbal  agreement  with  them,  and 
that  if  I  wanted  an  inveftigation  of  the  bufinefs,  the  perfon  was 
then  in  town,  who  would  prove  the  fact." 

AND  why  did  not  this  patriotic  gentleman  proceed  immedi- 
ately to  "  inveftigate  the  bufinefs,"  by  a  direct  application  to 
the  fource  from  which  this  report  was  faid  to  iflue  ?  If  he 
had  for  a  moment  been  influenced  by  public  confiderations,  and 
not  by  malice  or  private  enmity;  if  the  good  of  the  community  . 
had  been  his  object,  this  affertion  of  Meffrs.  Linn  and  Abeel 
might  have  been  examined,  and  if  true,  fubftantiated  in  the 
fpace  of  a  very  few  days.  But  no!  Conduct  thus  candid,  fuited 
not  the  purpofes  of  Mr.  Burr's  political  enemies.  An  equivo- 
cal complexion  was  firft  to  be  given  to  the  political  integrity  of 
Mr.  Burr.  This  information  was  carefully  concealed  from  his 
friends,  and  privately  communicated  to  Mr.  Cheetham,  who 
through  the  medium  of  his  paper  was  firft  to  poifon  the  public 
mind,  and  predifpofe  it  to  believe  all  the  calumnies  that  were 
in  embryo  and  were  foon  to  be  given  to  the  world,  for  the  pur- 
pofe of  proftrating  Mr.  Burr's  political  confequence.  The  re- 
mainder of  this  communication  is  fo  extremely  puerile  and  irre- 
levant, that  it  is  unworthy  of  attention.  The  contemptible 
fource  from  which  it  is  derived  forbids  every  attempt  to  point 
out  the  mifrcprefentations  it  contains.  In  this  city  where  he  is 
known,  the  author  is  juftly  notorious  for  want  of  veracity  and 
ftability  of  principle.  It  is  well  known  that  he  has  never  told 
the  fame  ftory  twice  in  fuccefllon,  and  that  the  reverend  gentle- 
men in  queftion  have  frequently  had  occafion  to  reftrain  his  im- 
petuofity  in  the  caufe  of  Cheetham,  and  forbid  any  references  to 
them  for  the  truth  of  what  he  uttered. 


85 

AFTER  a  few  remarks  on  this  communication  much  is  faid  in 
the  letter  under  examination,  about  an  application  which  is  faid 
to  have  been  made  by  Mr.  Burr  to  Mefirs.  Linn  and  Abeel  for 
a  certificate,  ftating,  that  their  information,  relative  to  Mr. 
Burr's  fuppofed  negociations  with  the  federalifts,  had  been  de- 
rived from  "  common  report."  That  fuch  an  application  was 
ever  made  by  Mr.  Burr  or  any  of  his  friends,  is  fo  utterly  falfe, 
that  even  thofe  who  know  the  character  of  Cheetham,  were 
aftonilhed  at  this  initance  of  his  audacity.  If  it  mould  be  aiked 
why  this  denial  of  its  truth  is  not  fanclioned  by  the  declaration 
ef  Meflrs.  Linn  and  Abeel,  I  anfwer,  that  the  circumftances  un- 
der which  I  write  did  not  allow  an  application  to  them  on  my 
part.  And  above  all,  that  it  is  not  my  duty  to  difprove,  but 
Mr.  Cheetham's  to  fubftantiate  the  truth  of  what  he  advances. 

I  SHALL  now  proceed  to  that  part  of  Mr.  Cheeth^m's  eighth 
letter,  which  exhibits  a  more  direct  but  equally  impotent  attempt 
to  prove  the  charge  he  has  advanced. 

THE  reader  will  bear  in  mind,  what  Mr.  Burr  has  been 
charged  with,  to  wit,  that  "  he  entered  into  a  negociation  with 
federal  members  of  congrefs,  to  obtain  the  prefidency  of  they 
United  States.  That  a  perfon  being  authorized  by  them  t» 
confer  with  Mr.  Burr  on  the  fubjeft,  he  affented  to  the  propofi- 
tions  of  the  negociator,  and  referred  him  to  his  confidential 
friend; — ftating  alfo,  that  after  the  firfl;  vote  taken  in  the  houfe 
of  reprefentatives,  New- York  and  TennefTee  would  give  in  to 
the  federalifts." 

THOUGH  it  required  uncommon  patience  and  great  labor,  I 
have  rnoft  diligently  fought  for-  fomething  like  proof  in  this 
eighth  letter,  to  fupport  thefe  bold  allegations,  but  in  vain;  no- 
thing but  vague  aflertions  reward  the  perfeverance  of  the  reader. 

ALL  the  collateral  charges  which  it  contains,  have  been  in- 
vented as  auxiliaries  to  the  main  accufation,  and  are  totally  un- 
fupported.  That  Mr.  Ogden  was  requefted  by  federal  gea- 

M 


86 

tlemen  at  Wamington,  to  converfe  with  Mr.  Burr  on  the  fub- 
ject  of  the  then  approaching  election,  is  undoubtedly  true ;  but 
what  matters  it  whether  he,  or  a  thoufand  more  had  been  thus 
deputed.  Mr.  Burr  cannot  be  made  refponfible  for  the  afts  of 
the  federal  party.  He  could  notcontroul  their  conduct.  The 
only  queftions  to  be  determined  are,  whether  Mr.  Burr  accepted 
any  propofitions  that  were  offered  ?  Whether  he  entered  into  any 
engagements  to  adminifter  the  government  upon  principles  dic- 
tated by  the  federal  party,  and  in  violation  of  his  own  opinions 
and  judgment?  Or  whether  he  rejected  the  advances  that  were 
made?  That  he  did  fo,  fully  and  unequivocally,  and  even  re- 
fufed  to  receive  their  fupport,  appears  by  the  following  letters : 
"  SIR, 

"THOUGH  I  have  not  the  pleafure  of  a  perfonal  aquaintance 
with  you,  'I  flatter  myfelf  that  the  contents  of  this  letter  will 
preclude  the  neceffity  of  an  apology  for  addrefling  you. 

"  IT  has  been  aflerted  in  various  publications  that  Mr.  Burr, 
during  the  late  election  for  prefident  and  vice-prefident,  entered 
into  negociations  and  agreed  to  terms  with  the  federal  party,  or 
with  certain  individuals  of  that  party,  with  a  view  to  advance 
himfelf  to  the  office  of  prefident,  to  the  exclufion  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferfon.  Mr.  Burr,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Bloomfield,  dated 
the  2ift  September  laft,  declared  that  all  fuch  allegations  were 
falfe  and  groundlefs;  and  the  charges  have  been  renewed  in 
more  recent  publications,  which  point  to  you  by  name,  as  the 
perfon  through  whom  fuch  negociations  were  carried  on  and 
terms  concluded.  It  has  now  become  interefting  to  a  great 
portion  of  the  community  to  be  informed  how  far  thefe  affertion* 
and  charges  have  been  authorized  by  you,  or  are  warranted  by 
your  knowledge  of  facts. 

"  HAVING  received  frequent  anonymous  communications  for 
the  Morning  Chronicle,  relative  to  thefe  matters,  and  being  un- 
willing to  occupy  the  paper  with  vague  and  unfubftantiated  con- 


Je&ures  or  remarks  on  a  fubjecl:  of  fuch  importance,  I  am  in- 
duced to  apply  directly  to  yourfelf  as  an  authentic  fource  of  in- 
formation. I  do  this  with  the  more  confidence,  from  a  perfua- 
fion  that  you  can  have  no  wifh  to  fuffer  falfe  reports  to  circulate 
under  the  authority  of  your  name,  for  mere  party  purpotes; 
and  that,  in  the  actual  pofture  of  things,  you  cannot  be  averfe 
to  declare  publicly  and  explicitly  your  agency,  if  any,  in  the 
bufmefs.  I  take  the  liberty  therefore  of  reque  fling  your  written 
•declaration  to  the  points  above  ftated,  together  with  any  cir- 
cumftances  you  may  be  pleafed  to  communicate,  tending  to 
cftablifh  the  truth  or  falfehood  of  the  charges  in  queflion. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
"  very  refpectfully, 

"  your  obed't  ferv't,. 

«  P.  IRVING. 
**  New-Tori,  Nov.  l^th,   1802. 
"  DAVID  A.  OGDEN,  Efq." 


"  New-Tori,  Nov.  2tfb,  1802. 
"  SIR, 

"  THOUGH  I  did  not  conceive  it  to  be  incumbent  upon  me, 
or  in  itfelf  proper  to  notice  a  publication  in  a  newfpaper,  in 
which  my  name  was  ufed  without  my  permifiion  or  knowledge, 
yet  I  have  no  objection  to  reply  to  an  enquiry  which  comes  in 
the  mape  of  that  contained  in  your  letter,  and  from  a  perfon  of 
your  Handing  in  fociety. 

"  I  DECLARE  that  my  journey  to  the  city  of  Wafhington,  in 
the  year  1  800,  was  purely  on  private  bufmefs,  and  without  any 
underftanding  or  concert  whatever  with  Col.  Burr,  whom  I  met 
at  the  ftagc-office  on  his  way  to  Trenton,  not  having  had  before 
the  kaft  intimation  of  fuch  a  meeting  ;  and  that  I  was  not  then, 
or  at  any  time,  charged  by  him  with  any  commifiion  or  errand 
of  a  political  nature.  In  the  courfc  of  our  journey  no  political 


converfation  took  place  but  of  a  general  nature,  and  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  the  paffengers. 

"  WHEN  about  to  return  from  the  city  of  Washington,  two 
or  three  members  of  congrefs,  of  the  federal  party,  fpoke  to  me 
about  their  views  as  to  the  election  of  prefident,  defiring  me  to 
converfe  with  Col.  Burr  on  the  fubject,  and  to  afcertain  \vhether 
he  would  enter  into  terms.  On  my  return  to  New-York  I 
called  on  Col.  Burr,  and  communicated  the  above  to  him.  He 
explicitly  declined  the  explanation,  and  did  neither  propofe  nor 
agree  to  any  terms.  I  had  no  other  interview  or  communica- 
tion with  him  on  the  fubject,  and  fo  little  was  I  fatisned  with 
this,  that  in  a  letter  which  I  foon  afterwards  wrote  to  a  member 
of  congrefs,  and  which  was  the  only  one  I  wrote,  I  difluadcd 
from  giving  fupport  to  Col.  Burr,  and  advifed  rather  to  acqui- 
efce  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  as  the  lefs  dangerous  man 
of  the  two,  to  that  caufe  with  which  I  believed  the  public  in- 
tereft  to  be  inseparably  connected. 

/       "  THERE  are  no  facts  within  my  knowledge  tending  to  efla- 
'    blifh  the  truth  of  the  charges  fpecified  in  your  letter. 
"  With  due  refpect, 

"  I  am,  fir,  your  obed't  ferv't, 

«.  DAVID  A.  OGDEN. 
"  Dr.  P.  IRVING." 

HERE  then,  is  a  complete  acquittal  of  Mr.  Burr.  His  cori- 
du&  upon  the  occafion,  if  Mr.  Ogden  is  to  be  believed,  was 
not  merely  correct,  but  highly  honorable  to  himfelf.  From  the 
unreferved  language  of  Mr.  Ogden's  letter,  it  was  rational  to 
expect  that  its  publication  would  have  terminated  the  contro- 
verfy  with  Mr.  Burr,  and  convinced  every  impartial  man  that 
he  had  been  bafely  calumniated  by  an  ambitious,  corrupt  and 
felf  interefted  faction;  whofe  members,  to  raife  themfelves  into 
confcquence  and  power,  have  by  violence  and  falfehood  attempt- 
ed to  blaft  the  reputation  of  the  moft  faithful  and  indefatigable 


89 

republicans  in  the  ftate.  Previous  to  its  appearance,  the  com- 
munity, with  great  juftice  exclaimed,  that  Mr.  Ogden's  decla- 
ration on  this  fubject.,  would  eftablifh  the  truth  or  falfehood  of 
the  charge  advanced  by  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Burr.  They  were 
determined  to  reft  the  decifion  of  the  controverfy  on  the  con- 
tents of  his  communication,  whatever  they  might  be,  and  view- 
ed him  now  as  the  only  remaining  fource  from  which  authentic 
information  could  be  derived.  Aware  of  the  importance  of  Mr. 
Ogden's  difavowal  or  recognition  of  the  truth  of  their  afiertions, 
the  editor  of  the  American  Citizen  and  his  coadjutors,  adopted 
every  mode  their  ingenuity  could  dcvife,  to  induce  him  to  re- 
main iilent.  They  alternately  flattered  and  menaced  him  in 
their  paper.  They  declared  to  the  world,  that  if  he  denied  the 
corre&nefs  of  their  charges,  they  would  prove  him  to  be  a  man 
deftitutc  of  veracity;  and  implored  him,  if  he  valued  his  repu- 
tation, to  abftain  from  all  interference  in  the  prefent  contro- 
verfy. Regardlefs,  however,  of  their  threats  and  impotent  de- 
nunciations, having  no  object  in  view  but  a  true  elucidation  of 
the  tranfa&ion  in  which  he  was  concerned,  Mr.  Ogden,  when 
addrefled  by  Dr.  Irving,  gave  the  public  a  concife,  but  correct 
and  explicit  detail  of  the  circumftances  that  occurred  in  his  in- 
terview with  colonel  Burr.  And  I  defy  the  moft  faftidious 
cafuifl  to  point  out  any  thing  that  occurred  on  this  occafion, 
either  exceptionable,  equivocal  or  fufpicious.  Mr.  Ogden  ilates 
exprefsly,  "  That  his  journey  to  Washington  was  purely  on 
private  buiinefs,  without  the  leaft  concert  or  underftanding  with 
colonel  Burr,  whom  he  met  accidentally  at  the  ftage-office,  on 
his  way  to  Trenton;  that  he  was  not  then  charged  with  any  er- 
rand or  commiffion  of  a  political  nature ;  that  while  at  Wafli- 
jngton  he  was  defired  by  fome  federal  gentlemen  to  converfe 
with  Mr.  Burr  on  the  fubjecl:  of  the  eleftion  for  prefident ;  that 
when  he  returned  to  New-York  he  did  call  on  Mr.  Burr  as  re- 
qnefted."  Thus  far  it  will  be  conceded  I  truft,  that  no  cenfure 


90 

tould  poffibly  attach  to  Mr.  Burr.  What  anfwer  then  did  Col. 
Burr  return  to  Mr.  Ogden's  proportion?  He  ftates  without 
hefitation  "  that  Mr.  Burr  explicitly  declined  any  explanation 
upon  the  fubjeft,  and  did  neither  propofe  nor  ag«ee  to  any 
terms."  How  then,  I  afk,  in  the  name  of  juftice  and  reafon, 
has  Mr.  Burr  been  faithlefs  to  his  party?  That  he  was  thus 
explicit  in  his  anfvvers  to  Mr.  Ogden,  appears  from  the  fucceed- 
in<r  part  of  that  gentleman's  letter,  in  which  he  fays  "  that  he 
was  fo  little  fatisfied  after  his  interview  with  Col.  Burr,  that  he 
wrote  to  Wafhington  difluading  the  federalifts  from  fupporting 
Mr.  Burr.  That  he  did  write  thus  is  known  to  be  a  facl,  inde- 
pendent of  Mr.  Ogden's  aflertion,  and  mews  mod  conclufively, 
that  all  his  advances  were  totally  rejected. 

THE  concluding  fentence  of  Mr.  Ogden's  letter  ftates  moft. 
clearly,  that  he  knows  of  no  circumftances,  tending  to  eitablim. 
the  truth  of  the  charges  exhibited  againft  Mr.  Burr. 

Thus  is  demolimed  the  huge  mafs  of  incoherent  matter  which 
ingenuity,  wickednefs,  and  falflioood,  had  collected  to  oppofe 
the  progrefs  of  Mr.  Burr's  political  elevation.  Defeated  in 
every  point  which  was  fufceptible  of  elucidation,  minds  influenc- 
ed by  ordinary  malice,  would  have  been  fatisfied  with  the  diilrac- 
tion  which  had  been  every  where  produced,  and  abandoned  the 
profecution  of  their  nefarious  deiigns.  But  the  calumniators  of 
Mr.  Burr,  tortured  by  a  deadly  malignity  that  ftt  all  public 
-coniiderations  at  defiance,  inflamed  with  the  bright  prof- 
pect  of  proftrating  every  local  enemy,  and  rioting  in  the  ruins 
of  their  fame,  they  difdained  the  inglorious  ihackles  of  convic- 
tion, and  unccafingly  reiterated  refuted  falfhoods  and  exploded 
afperfions.  They  boldly  accufed  Mr.  Ogden  of  falfhood,  and 
hoped  for  momentary  fafety  from  this  laft  and  fhameful  "  refuge 
of  defeated  argument."  His  unblemifhed  character  too  they 
hoped  would  be  withered  by  their  peftiferous  approach.  Thofe 
who  are  acquainted  with  that  gentleman  can  juftly  appreciate 


91 

thefe  fcurrilous  infinuations  againft  his  veracity.  But  for  the 
fatisfa£tion  of  thofe  to  whom  it  is  unknown,  it  will  be  proper 
to  examine  the  reafons  they  affign  for  having  accufed  him  of 
difhonorable  evafion  in  his  letter  to  Dr.  Irving. 

WHY,  fay  they,  did  Mr.  Burr  refer  Mr.  Ogden  to  his  confi- 
dential friend,  if  he  had  no  defign  to  encourage  the  federalifts 
in  their  oppofition  to  Mr.  Jefferfon's  election?  Before  this 
queftion  was  afked,  it  would  have  been  prudent  for  them  to 
have  afcertained  whether  Mr.  Ogden  was  referred  to  any  perfon 
as  the  friend  of  Mr.  Burr.  Had  they  obferved  a  little  caution, 
they  might  have  derived  fome  advantage  from  concealing  the 
name  of  this  fuppofed  confidential  friend.  But  with  their  ufual 
imprudence  they  declare  that  Mr.  Edward  Livingfton  was  the 
perfon  who  was  in  pofleflion  of  Mr.  Burr's  fecret  and  confidence 
on  this  occafion,  and  was  to  co-operate  in  raifing  him  to  the 
prefidency.  By  this  aft  of  indifcretion,  they  have  defeated 
their  purpofes,  and  enabled  me  to  prove  the  falfehood  of  their 
aflertions  by  the  following  letter,  which  will  be  found  in  the 
Morning  Chronicle  of  the  28th  April,  1803. 

«  SIR, 

"  IN  confequence  of  certain  infinuations  lately  circulated,  I 
think  it  proper  to  declare,  that  you  did  not,  in  any  verbal  or 
written  communication  to  me,  during  the  late  prefidential  elec- 
tion, exprefs  any  fentiment  inconfiftent  with  thofe  contained  in 
your  letter  to  General  Smith  which  was  publiihed,  or  evincing 
any  defire  that  the  vote  of  the  ftate  mould  be  transferred  from 

Mr.  Jefferfon  to  yourfelf. 

"  I  am,  very  refpeftfully, 

"  your  moft  obed't  ferv't, 
(Signed)  "  EDW.  LIVINGSTON, 

"  The  Vice-Preiident  of  the  U.  S." 

AGAIN  it  is  afked  why  Mr.  Burr  declared  that  New-York 
and  Tenneflee,  on  a  fecond  ballot,  would  yield  to  the  federal- 


92 

ifts?  To  this  I  anfwcr,  that  not  a  fhadow  of  teftimony  has  been 
adduced  to  prove  that  Mr.  Burr  ever  made  that  declaration.  It 
is  peremptorily  denied  that  he  ever  uttered  fuch  an  infinuation. 

THUS  then,  the  main  accufation  againft  Mr.  Burr,  inftead  of 
being  fubftantlated  by  thofe  who  preferred  it,  has  been  com- 
pletely difproved  by  pofitive  and  unimpeachable  evidence,  fuch 
evidence  as  the  moft  captious  and  incredulous  mind  cannot  re- 
fift,  and  fuch  as  bids  defiance  to  the  efforts  of  fophiftry  and 
malice. 

So  feeble  are  the  grounds  on  which  it  has  been  attempted  to 
fuftain  the  charges  againft  Mr.  Burr,  that  even  his  enemies 
have  formally  and  publicly  declared  the  impoffibility  of  fupport- 
ihg  them  by  pofitive  proof.  Mr.  Burr's  ingenuity,  fay  they, 
is  fuch,  that  wherever  he  is  a  party,  circumftantial  evidence 
fhould  be  deemed  fufficient.  This  is  affuredly  the  moft  impu- 
dent attempt  to  influence  the  decifion  of  an  important  public 
queftion,  ever  exhibited  in  this  country.  It  may  be  congenial 
with  the  fpirit  of  the  corrupt  governments  of  Europe,  or  the 
fanguinary  maxim  of  eaftern  defpotifm ;  but  can  never  be  tole- 
rated in  a  country  where  not  only  the  perfons  and  property, 
But  the  reputation  of  individuals,  are  protected  by  the  "equita- 
ble fpirit  of  mild  and  impartial  laws. 

THE  good  fenfe  of  the  community  renders  it  unneceflary  to 
dwell  on  the  meannefs  and  injuftice  of  thefe  pitiful  artifices; 
and  left  it  may  be  faid  that  any  part  of  the  works  under  ex- 
amination, have  been  left  unnoticed,  I  mall  proceed  to  notice 
the  remainder  of  what  the  calumniators  of  Mr.  Burr  call  their 
elrcumjlantial  evidence. 

DURING  the  controverfy  with  Mr.  Burr,  much  reliance  has 
been  placed  on  the  contents  of  a  letter,  faid  to  have  been  writ- 
ten at  Wafhington,  and  dated  the  2 pth  of  January  1801. 

THE  whole  tenor  of  this  letter,  the  time  when,  and  thefm- 
gular  civcumftances  under  which  it  was  communicated  to  the 


93 

public,  forcibly  indicate  that  it  was  the  refult  of  preconcert 
and  collufion  between  thofe  who  have  produced  it,  and  written 
long-  after  the  day  it  bears  date.  It  is  a  perfed  echo  of  the  ob- 
fervations  and  charges  contained  in  The  View,  &c.  and  if 
written  at  the  period  alledged,  why  was  it  not  communicated 
in  that  publication  ?  Is  it  probable  that  the  enemies  of  Mr. 
Burr  would  have  withheld  any  document  which  could  bear, 
however  remotely,  on  a  charge  which  it  was  their  whole  defign 
to  eftablifh  ? 

THE  information  contained  in  the  letter  I  am  alluding  to,  is 
faid  by  Mr.  Cheetham   (no  matter  how  corre&ly)  to  have  been 
communicated  to  Wafhington  by   Gen.  Hamilton.     It  is  per- 
fectly immaterial  whether  it  was  derived  from  a  federal  or  demo- 
cratic  opponent  of  Mr.  Burr.     The  only  queftion  to  be  deter- 
mined, is,  whether  he  was  authorifed  thus  to  write.     That  he 
was  not,  is  clearly  fliewn  by  the  preceding  teftimony  which  I 
have  noticed,  from   which  it  undeniably  appears  that  the  con- 
tents of  this  letter  are  untrue.     What  motives  may  have  influ- 
enced the  writer  of  that  communication,  I  mall  not  undertake 
to  determine.     But  it  is  as  unjufl  as  impoflible,  that  Mr.  Burr 
fiiould  be  made  refponfible  for  what  different  individuals  pleafe 
to  write  concerning  him.  All  that  can  be  required  of  him,  is,  to 
fliew,  that  their  afTertions  are  not  founded  in  truth.     This  has 
been  amply  done  by  the*  fatisfaftory  declaration  of  Mr.  Ogden, 
on  whom  Mr.  Cheetham  himfclf  relied  for  final  proof.     What 
can  be  more  abfurd,  than  that  Mr.  Hamilton  mould  have  co-ope- 
rated with  Mr.  Ogden,  or  the  federal  party  on  this  occafion,  as 
it  is  a  well  known  fact,  that  he  uniformly  and  flrenuoufly  op- 
pofed  the  eleftion  of  Mr.  Burr  to  the  prefidency,  which  I  am 
prepared  to  prove. 

THE  folemn  and  formal  manner  in  which  it  is  ftated,  that  Mr. 
Ogden  was  commiflioned  by  the  federal  gentlemen  at  Warning- 
ton  to  treat  with  Mr.  Burr,  is  done  to  give  the  whole  tranfac«- 

it 


tion  a  greater  appearance  of  probability,  and  the  more  readily 
to  prejudice  the  opinions  of  the  people.  It  is  evident  from 
Mr.  Ogden's  folemn  declaration,  that  he  did  not  go  to  Wafhing- 
ton  to  obtain  this  authority,  but  that  he  was  taken  there  by 
private  bufinefs  exclufively.  That  before  his  departure,  he  was 
requefted  to  procure  an  interview  with  Mr.  Burr,  and  afcertain 
whether  he  would  enter  into  the  views  of  the  federal  party. 
That  he  would  not  enter  into  their  views  is  unequivocally  fhewn 
from  Mr.  Ogden's  letter  and  conduct. — He  immediately  wrote, 
as  he  himfelf  declares,  to  Wafhington  difiuading  the  federal 
party  from  fupporting  Mr.  Burr.  And  why  ?  The  conclufion 
is  irrefiftable :  Becaufe  Mr.  Burr  would  not  come  into  their 
meafures.  I  afk  with  confidence  any  reafonable  man  whether 
Mr.  Ogden  would  have  thus  written,  if  he  had  not  completely- 
failed  in  his  undertaking  ?  If  Col.  Burr  had  not  rejected  the 
proffered  terms,  if  he  had  not  decifively  refufed  to  aid  the  fede- 
ralifls  in  their  attempts  to  make  him  prefident,  would  the  very 
man  who  had  undertaken  to  treat  with  him,  have  departed  from 
the  proportions  he  himfelf  had  made  ?  Of  what  confequencc 
then  are  the  letters  which  Mr.  Hamilton  or  any  other  gentle- 
men may  have  written  ?  I  believe  every  friend  of  candid  dif- 
cuffion  and  fair  argument,  will  affent  to  the  propriety  of  reject- 
ing all  this  irrelevant  and  incidental  matter,  and  be  governed  in 
their  judgments  by  information  which  is  authentic,  and  can  be 
relied  on.  This  is  the  only  mode  in  which  he  can  arrive  at 
truth. 

THE  next  fubject  which  is  raifed  for  difcuflion  in  this  "  eighth 
letter,"  is  the  conduct  of  W.  P.  Van  Nefs,  whom  it  is  faid  in 
his  correfpondence  with  the  prefent  mayor  of  this  city,  then  its 
reprefentative  in  congrefs,  attempted  to  influence  his  fuffragc 
in  the  choice  of  a  prefident.  .  This  gentleman  from  motives  too 
evident  to  be  miltaken,  has  frequently  been  the  fubject  of  the 
mod  virulent  abufe.  But  as  the  perfons  from  whom  it  is  knows 


95 

to  emanate  have  long  been  the  objects  of  public  contempt,  and 
of  individual  abhorrence,  their  invectives  can  neither  excite  un- 
eafinefs,  nor  attach  diflionor.  Whether  he  wrote  the  letters 
attributed  to  him,  I  am  unable  to  decide  ;  nor  is  it  material  to 
his  j unification,  or  necefiary  to  eftablifh  the  innocence  of  Mr. 
Burr.  But  for  the  prefent,  and  for  the  fake  of  argument,  I  mall 
allow  Mr.  Cheetham  the  full  benefit  of  his  aflertion. 

IT  is  faid,  that  the  letter  to  Mr.  Livingfton  advifed  him,  af- 
ter the  firft  or  fecond  ballot  in  the  houfe,  to  abandon  Mr.  Jef- 
ferfon  and  vote  for  Mr.  Burr;  ftating  alfo,  that  this  was  the 
prevailing  wifh  of  the  republicans  at  Albany.  The  latt  afler- 
tion  was  true,  to  an  extent  that  warranted  the  exprcflion,  and 
the  firft  can  be  juftified  upon  principle.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  conftitution  of  the  United  States,  provides  no  mode  for  de- 
fignating  at  a  prefidential  election,  what  candidates  are  intend, 
ed  for  the  firft  or  fecond  office  in  the  government.  That  in 
cafe  more  than  one  mould  have  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  given, 
and  alfo  an  equal  number,  that  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  {hall 
immediately  chufe,  by  ballot,  one  of  them  for  prefident.  Hence 
it  evidently  follows,  that  in  fuch  a  conjuncture,  the  people,  in 
their  popular  capacity,  lofe  all  further  controul  over  the  elec- 
tion. Their  right  to  elect  a  prefident  is  lapfed,  and  inftantly 
vefts  in  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives.  To  them  is  transferred 
the  fole  and  exclufive  right,  of  giving  a  chief  magiftrate  to  the 
union.  They  then  quo  ad  that  tranfaction,  do  not  act  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  reprefentatives  of  the  people,  but  as  a  tribunal  de- 
fignated  by  the  conftitution,  under  given  circumftances,  to  per- 
form a  fpecific  object,  foreign  to  their  ordinary  duties.  Every 
member  of  that  tribunal  is  abfolved  from  any  previous  impulfe 
he  may  have  received,  and  at  full  liberty  to  purfue  the  dictaies 
of  his  own  judgment  in  choofmg  a  chief  magiftrate.  When 
two  candidates  are  prefented  for  his  choice,  he  is  not  to  enquire 
who  was  intended  for  the  executive  office,  but  which  is  moil 


96 

proper  to  fill  that  exalted  ftation,  and  whofe  adminiftration  will 
probably  be  productive  of  the  greateil  public  good.  Thefe 
confiderations  alone  mould  govern  his  decifion.  By  him  the 
election  is  to  be  confidered  in  an  incipient  ftate,  totally  abftract- 
ed  from  the  influence  of  all  previous  tranfactions.  Should  he 
fuffer  himfelf  to  be  influenced  by  extrinfic  confiderations,  and 
purfue  what  was  ftated,  whether  correctly  or  not,  to  be  the- 
public  opinion;  if  in  violation  of  his  own  conviction,  in  direct 
hoflility  to  his  own  conference,  he  mould  raife,  by  his  own  voice, 
a  man  to  the  prefidential  chair,  through  whofe  incapacity  and 
injudicious  adminiftration  of  the  government,  his  country  fliould 
be  involved  in  a  train  of  evils,  that  mould  terminate  in  its  ruin, 
how  could  he  juflify  it,  to  his  confcience,  to  his  God,  or  the 
world  ?  It  would  be  directly  contrary  to  all  juftifiable  rules  of 
moral  conduct;  and  that  policy  which  is  at  war  with  moral  juf- 
tice,  rarely  advances  the  fubftantial  happinefs  of  a  nation. 

THAT  in  his  decifion  he  hadpurfued  the  public  voice,  would 
be  no  j  unification.  The  fentiments  of  the  people  are  certainly 
entitled  to  refpect  when  they  can  be  fairly  and  fully  afcertained: 
but  the  noife  of  a  faction  is  too  often  miftaken  for  the  public 
voice.  Though  a  majority  of  the  people  are  always  honeft  in 
their  views,  ftill  they  are  liable  to  impofition,  and  through  want 
of  correct  information,  often  err.  The  doctrine  of  the  infalli- 
bility of  the  people  is  not  verified  by  experience.  It  is  a  fpe- 
cies  of  cant,  by  which  the  moft  flagrant  proceedings  are  often 
purfued  and  juftified.  The  political  dogma,  that  the  people 
can  do  no  wrong,  is  as  abfurd,  when  applied  to  the  popular 
fovereign  of  America,  as  to  the  hereditary  monarch  of  England. 
That  the  people  are  politically  omnipotent,  is  true,  but  that 
they  have  a  moral  right  to  will  their  own  deftruction,  is  pre- 
pofterous,  and  could  never  have  originated,  but  in  the  heated 
brain  of  a  maniac.  Whenever  the  people,  through  want  of 
correct  information,  the  artifices  of  defigning  men,  or  the  pre- 


97 

railing  deliifions  of  the  times,  warmed  by  paffion,  and  enliven- 
ed by  collifion,  are  urging  meafures  in  direct  hoftility  to  the  folid 
interefts  of  the  country,  it  behoves  good  men  to  oppofe  the 
heedlefs  torrent,  and  fave  their  fair  inheritance  from  defolation. 

THESE  obfervations  will  doubtlefs  appear  to  every  reader  un- 
neceflary,  becaufe  felf-evident ;  and  I  certainly  fhould  not  have 
made  them,  had  not  the  iniquity  and  treachery  of  oppofing  a 
majority  of  the  people,  been  painted  in  glowing  colours,  and 
flared  us  in  the  face  from  every  page  of  the  publications  againft 
Mr.  Burr.  Fortunately  the  very  men  who  profefs  fo  much  fen- 
iibility  and  folicitude  on  this  fubject,  are  the  laft  who  mould 
have  introduced  it.  How,  it  may  be  afked,  was  the  admini- 
ftration  of  the  government  transferred  from  federal  to  republican 
hands,  but  by  a  fyftematic  oppofition  to  the  prevailing  party, 
by  uncealing  exertions  to  expofe  the  errors  of  a  majority  of  the 
people  ;  and  with  due  deference  to  their  majefty  be  it  fpoken,  I 
am  not  yet  prepared  to  fubfcribe  to  their  infallibility,  notwith- 
ftanding  the  induftry  of  the  wife  men  who  have  lately  been  im- 
ported, and  their  affectionate  efforts  to  enlighten  them. 

IF  therefore,  Mr.  Livingfton  had  been  duly  impreffed  with  the 
rectitude  of  his  views  and  intentions,  he  would  have  been  per- 
fectly jufufiable  in  transferring  his  vote  from  Mr.  Jefferfon  to 
Mr.  Burr,  and  Mr.  Van  Nefs  in  urging  that  meafure. 

BUT  it  is  faid  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  was  intended  for  the  prefi- 
dency  by  the  party,  to  which  Mr.  Van  Nefs  was  attached,  and 
their  wifhes  he  was  bound  not  to  counteract.  This  is  a  pofition 
weaker  and  infinitely  more  dangerous  than  the  firft.  That  a 
man  is  bound  to  purfue  indifcriminatcly  the  meafures  of  his 
party,  however  unjuft  in  themfelves,  or  dangerous  to  the  com- 
munity, is  a  doctrine  not  novel  in  this  country,  but  not  the  lefs 
wicked.  That  in  defiance  of  his  own  conviction  he  fhould  be 
driven  by  an  exafperated  party,  to  the  fupport  of  meafures  which 
he  deems  hoftile  to  the  profperity  and  happinefs  of  the  nation, 


08 

fuppofcs  too  outrageous  an  attack  on  mental  independence,  to 
be  tolerated  for  a  moment.  If  Mr.  Van  Nefs  differed  in  opinion 
on  this  occafion  from  his  party,  who  can  doubt  that  he  was  cor- 
rect in  attempting  to  give  effeft  to  his  fentiments.  In  a  country 
where  there  are  no  tyrannical  rules  to  reilrain,  nor  bloody  inqui- 
fition  to  punifh  the  freedom  of  opinion,  men  are  accuftomed  to 
triumph  in  the  uncontrouled  expreflion  of  their  fentiments,  and 
will  think  differently.  If  he  deemed  the  political  talents  of  Mr. 
Burr,  fuperiorto  thofe  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and  that  the  government 
would  derive  a  vigor  and  dignity  from  his  adminiftration,  which 
the  indecifion  of  Mr.  Jefferfon's  character  could  not  give  it,  he 
*ras  certainly  not  fingular.  The  fame  fentiments  may  be  traced 
to  many  of  the  belt  republicans  in  the  country,  and  as  it  is  exclu- 
iively  a  matter  of  opinion,  which  is  to  be  referred  to  the  judg- 
ment of  individuals,  who  will  prefume  to  criminate  or  pro- 
fcribe  thofe  who  profefs  it  ?  It  is  not  within  my  defign  to 
draw  at  prefent  a  comparifon  between  the  characters  of  thofe 
gentlemen,  nor  mall  I  ever  arraign  the  integrity  of  thofe  who 
may  differ  from  me  on  the  fubjeft.  It  is  a  fpeculative  opinion, 
unconnected  with  principle. 

IF  there  exiiled  the  mofl  remote  obligation  to  adhere  to  Mr. 
Jefferfon  as  the  candidate  of  a  party,  it  certainly  ceafed  after 
he  had  received  the  fair  fupport  of  that  party  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  had  been  rejected  by  the  houfe  of  reprefen- 
tatives.  Upon  that  rejection  every  incidental  obligation  that 
could  have  arifen  from  party  confiderations  was  diflblved,  and 
the  two  candidates  afTumed  a  new  and  diftinft  character.  There 
is  nothing  novel  in  this  opinion.  That  it  prevailed  at  Albany 
is  unqueftionably  true.  It  was  prevalent  among  ^hofe,  who 
were  there  deemed  leading  and  confpicuous  men.  They  openly 
contended  that  Mr.  Jefterfon  and  Mr.  Burr  were  prefented  to 
the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  upon  equal  grounds,  with  equal 
claims,  and  expreffcd  a  flrong  defire  that  Mr.  Burr  mould  be 


99 

chofen.  Among  the  warmed  advocates  of  this  opinion  was  Mr. 
Brockholfl  Livingfton,  that  honorable  man  who  now  profefle* 
great  abhorrence  of  fuch  iniquitous  conduct.  I  aflert  this  upon 
indubitable  authority,  and  if  he  has  the  hardihood  to  deny  it, 
it  (hall  be  fupported  by  fuch  teftimony,  that  if  he  is  not  infen- 
fible  to  mame,  will  probably  raife  the  firfl  blufh  his  countenance 
has  ever  exhibited.  There  were  many  others  at  that  time  loud 
and  bold,  in  their  profeffions  of  fimilar  fentiments,  but  now  dare 
not  fupport  them,  and  tremble  under  the  rod,  which  is  fufpended 
over  them,  by  factious  calumniators  and  governmental  agents. 

IT  will  be  perceived,  that  the  remarks  which  have  been  made 
on  Mr  Van  Nefs's  letter  to  Mr.  Edward  Livingfton,  are  equally 
applicable  to  thofe  which  are  faid  by  William  S.  Pennington  to 
have  been  written  to  a  gentleman  at  Poughkeepfie.  The  letter 
of  this  Pennington  to  Dennifton  and  Cheetham,  and  his  con- 
du£l  during  the  late  prefidential  election,  exhibits  a  compound 
of  folly,  hypocrify,  vanity,  and  villainy,  which  have  been  rarely 
equalled,  and  I  believe  never  proclaimed  to  the  world,  by  the 
very  man  in  whom  thefe  qualities  are  fo  eminently  united. '  A 
man  who  after  wandering  for  years  from  ftate  to  ftate,  and  from 
one  village  to  another,  without  talents  to  procure  a  fubfiftence; 
an  itinerant  pugilift,  who  if  known  at  all,  has  ever  been  indebted 
for  his  fame  to  his  talents  for  defamation;  who  has  ftained  the 
records  of  the  country  in  which  he  lived,  and  the  books  of  every 
attorney  within  reach  of  him,  with  profecutions  for  aflaults, 
batteries,  and  {landers;  and  whofe  veracity  where  he  was  known, 
has  ever  been  infufficient  to  give  credit  to  the  moft  ordinary 
tale,  is  certainly  not  a  fuitable  perfon  to  calumniate  and  pro- 
fcribe  men,  whofe  reputations  are  unfpotted,  and  whofe  patriot- 
ifm  cannot  be  queftioned.  This  William  S.  Pennington,  whom 
Dennifton  and  Cheetham,  no  doubt  at  his  exprefs  defire,  have 
publifhed  as  an  executive  counfellor  of  New-Jerfey,  has  the  con- 
fummate  vanity  and  impudence  to  boaft  of  the  arts  and  frauds 


100 

by  which  he  obtained  political  preferment,  and  to  efleem  him- 
fclf  fo  elevated  above  the  mafs  of  mankind,  and  the  ordinary  po- 
liticians of  the  day,  as  to  be  wholly  ignorant  of  fuch  men  as 
Mr.  Swartwout  and  Mr.  Van  Nefs. 

THERE  is  a  fpecies  of  wickednefs  fo  wanton  and  reftlefs  as 
often  to  fruflrate  its  own  purpofes.  This  obfervation  is  cor- 
reftly  exemplified  in  the  character  of  this  remarkable  perfonage. 
His  conduct  upon  the  occafion  to  which  I  have  already  alluded, 
merits  a  few  moments  confideration.  •That  his  letter  to  Den- 
niflon  and  Cheetham  is  an  ingenious  fabrication,  conjured  up  for 
the  exprefs  purpofe  of  furthering  the  views  of  Mr.  Burr's  ene- 
mies, cannot  be  doubted.  Knaves  often  affeft  accuracy  and 
candor,  to  impofe  more  fuccefsfully  upon  the  credulity  of  thofe 
they  mean  to  deceive.  But  when  they  are  detected  in  direct 
and  palpable  falfehoods,  thefe  ferve  only  to  evince  more  clearly 
the  evil  motives  by  which  they  were  influenced.  In  this  dif» 
graceful  fituation  do  we  find  William  S.  Pennington.  While 
he  is  detailing  with  apparent  minutenefs,  the  contents  of  a  letter 
or  letters,  which  he  fays  were  written  by  Mr.  Swartwout  at  Alba- 
ny to  Mr.  Williams  at  Poughkeepfie,  who  would  believe  him  fo 
abandoned  to  all  wickednefs,  fo  deftitute  of  fhame,  as  to  be  the 
fole  fabricator  of  what  he  ftates?  This  however  clearly  and 
irrefiftibly  appears  by  the  following  letter,  published  in  the 
American  Citizen  : 

TO  THE  PUBLIC. 

"  THE  falfe  colouring  given  by  the  relation  of  one  William 
S.  Pennington,  in  a  letter  to  Dennifton  &  Cheetham,  which 
appeared  in  the  American  Citizen  of  the  2  ad  inft.  and  their  fub- 
fequent  malicious  remarks,  oblige  me  once  more  to  afk  pardon 
for  obtrudiug  myfelf  on  the  public  attention. 

"  I  DECLARE,  on  my  honor,  that  I  did  not,  at  any  time,  advifc 
the  election  of  Mr.  Burr,  as  prefident  of  the  United  States,  to 
the  exclufion  of  Mr.  Jefferfon ;  nor  did  I  ever  write  to  any  per- 


101 

fon  or  pcrfons  to  that  effect;  and  I  hereby  authorife  Mr.  Ro- 
bert Williams  to  publifh  any  letter  or  letters  he  may  have  receiv- 
ed from  me  on  the  fubjedt  of  the  late  prefidential  election.  I  am, 
induced  to  contradict  the  bafe  flanders  of  thofe  exclufive  patri- 
ots, by  a  regard  to  truth  only,  and  not  from  a  conviction  that 
it  would  have  been  either  difhonorable  to  me,  or  difadvanta- 
geous  to  the  country  or  the  republican  party  to  have  promoted 
the  election  of  Mr.  Burr  to  the  prefidential  chair." 

"  JOHN  SWARTWOUT. 
"  New-Tor k,  January  23." 

THE  reader  I  believe  can  have  no  difficulty  now  in  pro- 
nouncing this  ftatement  of  Pennington  falfe  throughout.  One 
fart  of  it  having  been  fhewn  to  be  a  grofs  violation  of  truth^ 
the  other  can  certainly  be  entitled  to  no  credit. 

IT  is  to  be  lamented  that  this  ingenious  gentleman  while  on 
the  fubject,  was  not  more  circumstantial  in  giving  us  the  contents 
of  his  own  letters  upon  the  fubject  of  the  late  prefidential  elec- 
tion. He  has  glanced  at  them  to  be  fure,  but  very  wifely  did 
not  enter  into  detail.  Sufficient  has  been  given  however,  to  di- 
rect us  in  detecting  his  own  malice  and  bafenefs. 
'  IN  the  fecond  paragraph  of  his  letter  addreffcd  to  Dennifton 
and  Cheetham,  and  dated  2yth  December,  1802,  he  fays,  "  In 
the  winter  of  1 800  and  1 80 1  I  refided  with  my  family  at  Pough- 
keepfie.  The  fubject  of  the  prefidential  election,  as  it  was  na- 
tural it  fhould  do,  engaged  much  attention,  and  excited  much 
anxiety.  For  my  own  part,  I  did  not  think  that  the  federalifts- 
were  fmcere  in  their  attempt  to  make  Mr.  Burr  prefident,  but^ 
that  their  plans  were  calculated  to  prevent  Mr.  Jefferfon's  elec-r 
tion,  that  they  might  have  a  pretence  for  creating  an  executive 
officer  of  their  own  party;  and  thereby  either  retain  in  their  own 
hands  the  executive  power,  or  in  cafe  it  was  denied  them,  to  dif- 
turb  the  repofe  of  the  union."  Immediately  after  he  fays,  that 
he  wrote  to-  feveral  of  the  New-Jerfey  members  in  congrefs* 

O 


102 

particularly  to  Mr.  Linn,  and  endeavored  to  imprefs  the  opinion 
on  their  minds,  that  Mr.  Burr  fhould  be  elefted,  rather  than 
the  public  tranquility  put  at  hazard;  and  that  the  letters,  which 
h  e  fays  were  written  by  Mr.  Van  Nefs  to  Mr.  Williams,  only 
tended  to  encourage  him  in  the  meafures  he  was  purfuing. 
Here  in  almoft  the  fame  breath,  this  honeft  and  confident  gen- 
tleman tells  us,  that  he  did  not  believe,  that  the  federalifts  were 
fincere  in  their  attempts  to  elect  Mr.  Burr,  and  in  the  next,  that 
he  wrote  to  members  of  congrefs  urging  the  propriety  of  yield- 
ing to  the  federaliils  in  the  ele&ion  of  Mr.  Burr,  rather  than 
hazard  the  tranquility  of  the  union.  Admitting  therefore  for 
a  moment,  and  merely  for  the  fake  of  argument,  that  Mr.  Van 
Nefs  had  written  to  Mr.  Williams,  as  ftated  by  Mr.  Pennington, 
I  will  afk,  where  is  the  difference  between  Mr.  Pennington's 
letters  to  Mr.  Linn  and  others,  and  Mr.  Van  Nefs,  on  the  fub- 
jedt  of  the  prefidential  election  ? 

THE  only  difference  is,  that  one  was  written  under  an  impref- 
fion,  that  it  would  be  hazardous  to  perfift  in  the  election  of  Mr. 
Jefferfon,  and  the  other,  as  Mr.  Pennington  himfelf  tells  us,  un- 
der a  conviction  that  the  federalifts  would  not  ferioufly  attempt 
the  election  of  Mr.  Burr,  and  confequently,  to  adhere  to  Mr. 
Jefferfon,  could  not  endanger  the  repofe  of  the  country.  Does 
not  this  indicate  fome  finiftrous  views,  fome  object  which  he  is 
now  felicitous  to  conceal?  Does  it  not  decifively  manifeft  a  de- 
fire  that  Mr.  Burr  fhould  be  elected  at  all  events  ?  This  infer- 
ence is  irrefiftible,  and  renders  the  fubfequent  conduct  of  this 
man  more  fhameful  and  unprincipled.  The  interrogatories 
which  were  moft  abufively  and  inaptly  put  to  another  gentle- 
man, may  now  with  much  greater  propriety  be  fubmitted  to 
the  ferious  confideration  of  Mr.  Pennington.  Why  did  he  ad- 
yife  the  election  of  Mr.  Burr  at  all,  if  he  did  not  fuppofe  him 
qualified  to  fill  the  prefidential  chair,  and  if  he  was  convinced 
that  no  danger  would  refult  from  adhering  to  Mr.  Jefferfon  ? 


103 

NOTWITHSTANDING  all  the  artifices  by  which  Pennington 
has  attempted  to  elude  detection,  the  truth,  unfortunately  for 
him,  has  long  been  known;  and  his  conduct,  fo  far  from  being 
cenfurable,  would  have  merited  approbation,  if  he  had  not,  from 
interefted  views,  renounced  the  fentiments  he  then  held,  and 
proclaimed  his  infamy,  by  manifefting  the  impurity  of  his 
motives.  The  truth  is,  that  he  wrote  feveral  letters  to  mem- 
bers of  congrefs,  urging  the  election  of  Mr.  Burr  to  the  prefi- 
dency,  afiigning  numerous  reafons  to  fupport  the  propriety  of 
the  meafure,  fome  of  which  were  not  very  flattering  to  the  ta- 
lents and  political  character  of  Mr.  Jefferfon.  His  correfpon- 
dent  betrayed  him,  by  fubmitting  thofe  letters  to  the  perufal 
either  '\)f  the  prefident  himfelf,  or  fome  of  his  perfonal  friends. 
Soon  after  the  prefident  was  chofen  by  the  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
tives,  Pennington  applied  for  the  office  of  attorney  of  the  dif- 
trict  of  New-Jerfey.  In  confequence  of  the  letters  he  had 
written  on  the  fubject  of  the  election,  or  fome  other,  doubtlefs, 
good  caufe,  the  prefident,  in  his  wifdom,  deemed  it  expedient 
to  beftow  that  office  upon  a  rival  candidate.  Pennington  at  firft 
difcovered  fome  refentment  and  fpirit  upon  the  occafion.  He 
reproached  his  correfpondent  with  bafcly  betraying  his  confi- 
dence, and  offered  to  enter  into  a  public  difcuffion,  to  juftify 
the  rectitude  of  the  principles  upon  which  he  had  acted.  His 
warmth,  however  foon  abated.  He  yielded  to  his  invincible  de- 
fire  for  political  elevation  and  pecuniary  emolument,  and  fought 
every  mean,  however  diflionorable  or  bafe,  to  appeafe  the  wrath 
of  the  ruling  powers.  No  expedient,  however  humiliating,  was 
left  untried  to  effect  this  purpofe.  As  opinions  and  principles 
were  with  him,  trifles  light  as  air,  he  boldly  threw  confequences 
behind  him;  and  as  the  moft  effedual  mode  of  fuccefs,  left 
New-Jerfey,  to  feek  an  interview  with  James  Cheetham,  who, 
to  the  honor  of  the  government,  boafted  of  being  its  organ  in 
New-York.  He  made  Cheetham  his  father  confeffor,  and  freely 


104 

acknowledged  that  he  felt  feme  "compunctious  vifitings  of  con- 
fcience,"  and  was  defirous  of  atoning  for  the  crimes  he  had  com- 
mitted ;  that  if  he  now  could  be  of  fervice  in  calumniating  the 
vice-prefident,  or  afliil  in  the  attack  which  had  been  commenced 
on  Mr.  Burr  and  his  friends,  he  was  ready  to  yield  his  affiftance. 
He  accordingly  received  the  forgivenefs  of  the  Pope,  and  the 
thanks  of  his  emanuenfis  Mr.  Cheetham,  who  informed  him,  he 
would  foon  be  applied  to,  for  information  on  the  fubjecl  to- 
which  he  had  alluded.  This  forlorn  and  weeping  penitent  re- 
turned from  his  pilgrimage  to  his  folitary  home,  which  had 
not  yet  been  blefled  with  the  enlivening  influence  of  govern- 
mental patronage.  Cheetham  wrote  for  the  information  which 
had  been  promifed,  and  his  new  pupil,  with  humble  and  contrite 
zeal,  furnifhed  the  letter  which  is  now  under  review.  As  a  fpe- 
cimen  of  the  truths  it  contains,  the  reader  will  have  the  good-. 
nefs  to  compare  the  firft  fentence  with  the  above  recital,  every 
word  of  which  is  undoubtedly  correct.  The  fentence  to  which 
I  allude  is  in  thefe  words:  "  It  is  a  thing  that  has  ever  been  very 
foreign  from  my  expectations,  that  any  thing  which  pafled  be- 
tween Mr.  Robert  Williams  and  myfelf,  on  the  fubjedt  to  which 
you  allude,  would  ever  become  a  matter  of  public  inveftigation." 
The  public  may  now  form  an  accurate  eflimate  of  the  veracity 
and  character  of  this  mamelefs  afibciate  of  James  Cheetham.  . 
THERE  is  another  gentleman  whom  it  will  perhaps  be  proper 
to  notice  here,  as  in  fome  meafure  connected  with  this  part  of 
the  fubjecl.  His  condudt  has  been  fuch  as  has  evinced  the 
molt  confummate  hypocrify,  or  at  leait  a  puerile  and  contempti- 
ble mutability  of  opinion.  From  his  late  conduit  it  is  not  per- 
haps generally  known,  that  Mr.  Gilbert  Livingfton  wrote  letters 
to  Wafliington  of  the  fame  tenor,  as  thofe  of  Mr.  Pennington. 
Indeed  his  unreferved  cenfure  of  the  fentiments  contained  in 
thefe  letters,  was  calculated  to  fupprefs  any  fufpicion  that  he 
had  ever  attempted  to  propagate  them.  I  approach  this  gen- 


105 

tJeman  with 'reliance,  as  it  is  the  cuftom  of  his  friends  to  fave 
him  from  animadverfion,  by  interpofing  the  fandity  of  his  cha- 
racter. Piety  is  entitled  to  reverence,  wherever  it  is  found,  and 
even  hypocrify  if  well  affumed,  or  prejudices,  though  unfortu- 
nately aflbciated  with  ftupidity,  are  entitled  to  fome  refpedt. 
But  outward  purity  alone  fhould  never  be  allowed  to  fave  from 
expofure,  a  multitude  of  fins.  A  mantle  pervious  to  the  fee- 
blefl  vifion,  fhould  not  be  permitted  to  arreft  the  fearch  after 
truth.  The  ridiculous  and  inconfiftent  conduct  of  this  man 
ferves  to  mew  that  his  mind  is  too  feeble  to  form,  and  adhere  to 
any  decifive  opinion  upon  the  moft  ordinary  fubject,  or  to  refill 
his  propenfities  to  vibrate  from  truth  to  error.  Although  from 
outward  appearances  he  has  derived  a  character  fuperior  to  Pen- 
nington's,  he  has  by  an  attachment  to  his  temporal  intereft,  and 
the  artifices  of  defigning  men,  been  betrayed  into  the  fame  con- 
duct. At  one  moment  he  has  been  the  eulogift,  and  at  another 
the  fevere  calumniator  of  Mr.  Burr.  At  New- York  he  has 
profefled  entire  fatisfaclion  with  his  conduct,  and  avowed  a  con- 
viction of  his  innocence.  At  Poughkeepfie  he  has  pronounced 
him  guilty  of  the  charges  exhibited  againft  him,  and  of  deep  de- 
figns  to  fubvert  the  liberty  of  his  country.  This  conduct  has 
already  rendered  him  a  miferable  object  of  ridicule,  and  will  foon 
confign  him  to  oblivion  and  contempt.  Some  attribute  this 
puerile  inftability  to  the  weaknefs  of  his  mind,  which,  light  as  a 
goflamer,  flutters  in  every  breeze,  and  yields  without  reliftance 
to  its  impulfe — 

"  Which  makes  them  tale  him  for  a  tool 
That  knaves  do  work  with,  caWd  a  fool — " 
OTHERS    to  a  bufy  and   rettlefs   property   to  be  engaged  in 
petty  broils.      It  is  a  juft  remark,  that  "  old   fools   are  babes 
again,"  and  his    neighbours  would  do  well  to  furnifh  this  pcr- 
fon,  with  a  rattle  or  a  ftraw,  to  divert  his  attention  from   pri- 
vate mifchief  and  political  fcdudion. 


106 

IT  is  fomewhat  fingular  that  this  Mr.  Livingfton  and  hii 
friend  Pennington,  after  having  been  the  firft  to  avow  and  pro- 
pagate the  fame  fentiments  as  thofe  afcribed  to  Mr.  Van  Nefa 
and  Mr.  S\vart\vout,  mould  alfo  have  been  the  firft  to  condemn 
them.  They  muft  either  have  deemed  thofe  fentiments  correct, 
or  not.  If  they  did  purfue  the  di&ates  of  their  own  under- 
ftandings,  their  conduct  was  unexceptionable,  and  cenfure  at- 
taches to  them  only  for  not  daring  to  juftify  it.  If  not,  they 
have  afted  like  knaves  and  hypocrites,  for  having  attempted  to 
lead  others  into  error,  and  afterwards  reprobating  the  very  mea- 
fures  they  recommended,  and  the  arguments  they  urged  to  in- 
fluence their  decisions.  This  is  hypocrify  in  its  moft  pure  and 
vitious  Hate.  It  has  been  well  obferved,  that  when  men  have 
fo  far  corrupted  the  chaftity  of  their  minds,  as  to  attempt  the 
accomplimment  of  objects  which  they  believe  to  be  improper, 
merely  to  advance  their  perfonal  interefts,  they  are  prepared 
for  the  practice  of  every  fpecies  of  corruption  and  vice. 

THESE  very  men  who  have  been  fo  felicitous  to  trace  the 
letters  which  they  moft  officioufly  choofe  to  afcribe  to  Mr. 
Van  Nefs  and  Mr.  Swartwout  up  to  Mr.  Burr,  will  certainly 
not  admit  that  they  were  operated  upon  by  the  fame  influence. 
Why  then  is  it  to  be  prefumed  that  others  were  ?  The  anfwer 
again  recurs,  becaufe  the  political  character  of  Mr.  Burr  was  to 
be  proftrated,  and  all  thofe  who  would  probably  refift  fuch  an 
iniquitous  attempt,  were  to  be  involved  in  his  fate.  Befides 
there  is  evidence  apparent  on  the  face  of  the  tranfaftion,  that 
thefe  letters  were  unauthorifed  by  Mr.  Burr. 

BUT  independent  of  the  inferences  which  arife  from  thefe 
fads,  1  have  inveftigated  this  fubjeft  as  far  as  the  circumftances 
under  which  I  write  will  allow,  and  unequivocally  ftate,  and  if 
necefiary  will  prove,  that  Mr.  Burr  had  no  knowledge  of  fuch 
letters  as  have  been  fpoken  of  by  Mr.  Pennington. 

IF  Mr.  Burr  in  this  advance  ftage  of  the  election,   (for  it  has 


107 

been  /hewn  that  he  did  not  before)  had  attempted  to  compafa 
the  prefidency,  it  is  impoflible  that  he  fhould  have  reforted  to 
fuch  inefficient  means. 

His  enemies  allow  that  he  has  ever  been  judicious  in  the 
choice  of  means  to  accomplish  his  purpofes.  If  he  had  been 
difpofed  to  become  a  competitor  for  the  prefidency,  would  he 
not  inftead  of  going  to  Albany,  have  appeared  upon  the  field 
of  action,  and  have  fupported  his  pretenfions  by  his  prefence, 
at  lead.  No  man  of  reflection  who  was  attentive  to  the  events 
of  that  period,  can  poflibly  doubt,  that  if  he  had  purfued  this 
conduct,  he  would  now  have  filled  the  prefidential  chair.  This 
opinion  it  may  be  faid,  is  derogatory  to  the  characters  of  fome 
of  the  then  reprefentatives  of  the  people  ;  be  it  fo,  their  own 
conduct  has  juftified  the  cenfure.  It  is  undoubtedly  true,  that 
feveral  members  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  were  difpofed  to 
abandon  Mr.  Jefferfon  and  vote  for  Mr.  Burr,  or  that  they 
were  at  leaft  fufpected  of  fuch  intention  by  the  friends  of  the 
latter  gentleman.  It  is  alfo  true,  that  thofe  members  continued 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and  that  they  fubfequently  received 
lucrative  and  honorable  appointments.  Nay  more,  I  believe 
there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  proving  that  a  member  of  that 
congrefs,  declared  after  the  conteft  was  terminated,  that  he 
would  have  abandoned  Mr.  Jefferfon,  if  the  federalifts  had  of- 
fered him  fufficient  inducements.  With  this  ftrong,  direct,  and 
irrefiftible  coincidence  of  circumftances  before  them,  who  can 
doubt  that  the  prefidency  was  up  for  fale,  and  would  have  been 
(truck  off  to  the  higheft  bidder — that  if  Mr.  Burr  had  been  on 
the  fpot,  and  could  have  defcended  fo  far  as  to  promife  political 
preferment,  or  official  emoluments  and  honors,  he  would  now 
have  adminiftcred  the  government  of  the  United  States.  Thefc 
remarks  may  be  deemed  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  an  Ame- 
rican Congrefs.  No  one  refpects  that  body  more  than  I  do, 
But  when  corruption  or  even  its  inftrumcnts,  arc  permitted  to 


108 

tfnter  its  facred  walls,  infamy  mould  await  them — and  with  the 
Satis  which  I  have  before  me,  part  of  which  only  have  been  enu- 
merated, I  do  not  fear  to  inveftigate  the  fubjeft. 
'  I  THEREFORE  invite  the  accufers  of  Mr.  Burr  to  fhew,  that 
any  approaches  were  made  to  individual  members  of  congrefs, 
that  any  political  preferment,  any  offices  of  honor  or  emolu- 
ment, were  promifed  either  directly  or  indirectly  by  Mr.  Burr  or 
any  perfon  authorifed  by  him.  With  fuch  fubje&s  to  operate 
upon,  if  Mr.  Burr  could  poffibly  have  attempted  to  obtain  the 
prefidency  without  reforting  to  thefe  means,  if  others  did  not 
fucceed,  he  muft  have  been  worfe  than  an  ideot ;  and  unlefs  it 
can  be  (hewn  that  he  did,  he  ftands  aquitted  of  the  charges  ex- 
hibited againft  him. 

IT  will  now  be  proper  to  recapitulate  what  has  been  faid  upon 
the  fubjeft  of  Mr.  Burr's  political  conduft,  and  prefent  to  the 
reader  in  a  condenfed  form,  the  charges  which  have  been  exhi- 
bited againft  him,  and  the  evidence  by  which  they  have  been 
repelled. 

IN  the  firft  place,  it  is  evident  from  what  has  been  faid  in  the 
former  part  of  this  work,  that  all  the  aflertions  and  insinuations 
which  have  been  made  by  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Burr  relative  to 
his  political  conduct  previous  to  the  year  1800,  are  falfe  and 
malicious.  That  they  are  defigned  for  no  other  purpofe  than 
to  prejudice  the  public  mind  ;  and  thus  difpofe  it  to  acquiefce 
in  the  principal  charges  againft  him. 

adly.  IT  has  been  {hewn  moft  conclusively  that  Mr.  Burr 
never  attempted  to  divert  a  fingle  electoral  fuffrage  from  Mr. 
JefFerfon.  I  beg  leave  to  imprefs  upon  the  mind  of  the  reader, 
that  this  has  never  been  brought  forward  againft  Mr.  Burr  in 
the  mape  of  a  diftinA  charge;  certainly  becaufe  no  poffible  evi- 
dence could  be  adduced  to  fupport  it.  And  alfo,  that  this  of 
all  others,  was  the  mode  Mr.  Burr  ought  and  undoubtedly  would 
have  purfued,  if  he  had  formed  a  defign  to  Cupglant  Mr.  Jeffer- 
fon  in  the  government. 


109 

3dly.  IT  was  ftated  in  7he  View,  &c.  that  previous  to  the 
prefidential  election,  "  Mr.  Burr  difpatched  political  agents  to 
the  different  ftates;  viz.  Mr.  Bifliop  of  New-Haven  to  Pennfyl- 
vania,  and  Mr.  Timothy  Green  of  New- York  to  South-Caro- 
lina. This  has  been  fhewn  to  be  totally  untrue;  ift.  by  two 
letters  of  Mr.  Bifliop,  publifhed  in  the  American  Citizen  on  the 
3d  and  ipth  of  Auguft  1802;  and  2dly.  by  one  of  Mr.  Green 
given  in  the  7  6th  page  of  this  pamphlet. 

4thly.  IT  was  infinuated  that  Mr.  Burr  had  tampered  with 
Mr.  Lifpenard,  one  of  the  electors  of  this  ftate.  This  is  de- 
cively  repelled  in  the  74th  page  of  this  work. 

5thly.  THAT  Dr.  Smith  of  New-Jerfey  was,  under  certain 
circumftances,  to  have  voted  for  Mr.  Burr.  This  is  clearly  dif- 
proved  by  Dr.  Smith's  letter  contained  in  page  71. 

6thly.  THAT  to  induce  the  fouthern  ftates  to  give  Mr.  Burr 
an  equal  number  of  votes  with  Mr.  Jefferfon,  it  was  reported 
that  the  latter  gentleman  would  have  two  votes  in  Rhode-Ifland, 
and  Mr.  Burr  none.  This  is  explained  and  repelled  in  page  75. 
UPON  an  impartial  inveftigation  of  the  fubjecl  thu»far,  I  be- 
lieve no  candid  mind  can  refift  the  conviftion  that  Mr.  Burr's 
conduct  previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  electors  was  honorable 
and  fair.  This  is  too  evident  to  be  urged  farther.  That  he 
continued  to  aft  with  good  faith  throughout,  and  never  deviated 
from  the  fentiments  exprefied  in  his  letter  to  General  Smith, 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  conteft  in  the  houfe  of  i\> 
prefentatives,  appears  conclusively  from  the  ftatement  contained 
in  the  preceding  pages,  confirmed  and  corroborated  by  the  cor- 
refpondence  of  Meflrs.  Ogden  and  Irving,  contained  in  page 
86,  and  the  letters  of  Mr.  E.  Livingfton  and  Mr.  Swartwout. 

I  HERE  clofe  the  difcuffion  of  this  pirt  of  the  fubjcct,  per- 
fuaded  that  Mr.  Burr's  conduft  through  the  whole  of  the  left 
prefidential  election  has  been  unexceptionable,  and  that  the  pub- 
lic will  properly  appreciate  the  views  of  his  enemies:  that  they 

P 


110 

will  clearly  difcern  the  interefted  motives  that  impelled  them  to- 
the  attack  on  the  vice-prefident,  and  in  the  end  do  juftice  to  hi* 
reputation. 

THERE  are  a  few  inferior  charges  which  have  been  made 
againfl  Mr.  Burr,  not  immediately  connected  with  the  late  elec- 
tion, but  which  have  been  introduced  to  anfwer  the  general  pur- 
pofes  of  calumny.  I  foment  that  the  limits  to  which  I  am 
confined,  compel  me  to  omit  a  minute  difcuffion  of  them  here. 
But  they  mail  be  noticed  to  the  complete  fatisfa&ion  of  the 
community,  in  another  publication,  which  will  alfo  comprife  an 
inveftigation  of  other  local  topics,  connected  with  our  political 
fituation. 

I  WAS  by  no  means  fbny  to  fee  the  firft  fymptoms  of  indig- 
nation that  were  manifefted  by  the  people  againft  the  vice-pre*. 
fident.  It  evinced  a  laudable  jealoufy  of  the  privileges  they 
enjoyed  under  their  happy  conftitution,  and  a  proud  determina- 
tion to  protect  it  againft  the  invafions  of  ambition.  It  is  true 
that  this  jealous  fpirit  when  uncontrouled;  is  often  irritated  for 
improper  pnrpofes,  by  factious  and  defigning  men,  and  when 
unattended  by  a  love  of  inveftigation,  degenerates  into  tyranny. 
But  when  by  proper  patience  and  mild  demeanor,  a  fpirit  of  in- 
quiry can  be  excited,  this  danger  ceafes.  No  evil  is  to  be  ap- 
prehended when  the  people  will  take  the  trouble  to  examine  for 
themfelves,  and  not  rely  upon  the  aflertions  of  thofe  whofe  in- 
tereft  and  dcfign  it  is  to  deceive  them.  When  they  are  deter- 
mined to  proceed  with  moderation  and  temper,  to  examine  into 
the  truth  of  any  reported  defigns  againft  their  fafety,  juftice 
will  certainly  be  done;  and  that  a  juft  judgment  may  be  formed, 
it  will  be  extremely  ufeful  to  examine  from  what  quarter  and  in 
what  fhape  the  fubjedl  is  brought  before  them. 

WHEN  the  character  of  an  eminent  individual  is  aflailed,  and 
the  accufations  againft  him  involved  in  myftery,  and  confounded 
•with  a  multitude  of  known  falfehoods,  it  is  a  convincing  proof 


Ill 

that  they  have  originated  in  defigns  deeper  than  thofe  that  arc 
avowed.  When  they  are  attended  with  bitter  and  rancorous 
invedlives,  when  paflion  and  malice  are  apparent,  it  difcovers  an 
impurity  of  motive,  that  requires  the  mod  rigid  explanation. 
When  too  they  originate  with  men  deftitute  of  ftabjlity  and 
ilanding  in  fociety,  who  have  neither  refpe&ability  of  name,  nor 
weight  of  fortune  to  fupport  them,  but  have  always  been  found 
among  the  factious  and  unworthy  part  of  the  community,  a 
hafty  decilion  (hould  be  avoided.  This  is  emphatically  applica- 
ble to  the  attack  which  has  lately  been  made  on  the  vice-prefi- 
<ient.  Inftead  of  a  fair  and  temperate  invefligation  of  a  fubjedl 
which  was  fufceptible  of  a  fpeedy  and  eafy  elucidation,  the  moil 
undiftinguifhing  abuie  has  been  lavifhed  on  ham,  and  his  friends, 
through  every  medium  calculated  to  convey  it.  Newfpapers, 
pamphlets,  nay,  volumes  have  been  devoted  to  the  deftruttion  of 
Mr.  Burr's  reputation,  and  that  of  thofe,  who  were  difpofed  to 
defend  him  againft  fuch  unmanly  treatment. 

THE  laws  of  decorum  have  been  mamefully  violated.  Thofe 
who  were  honeft  enough  to  refill  this  wicked  combination,  were 
ridiculed  and  infulted.  All  this  was  fubraitted  to  with  a  be- 
coming moderation  and  temper.  No  meafures  were  purfued 
that  could  irritate  the  public  mind,  which,  already  heated  by  the 
collifion  of  various  interefts,  and  prejudiced  by  volumes  of  falfe- 
hoods,  could  neither  be  direfted  nor  controuled.  When  the 
fenfibihty  of  the  people  is  highly  excited,  the  doctrines  of  a 
political  feel  may  fometimes  obtain  an  afcendancy,  however  ridi- 
culous they  may  be  in  theory,  or  dangerous  in  practice.  But 
it  can  only  continue,  until  the  cafual  circumftances  which  have 
produced  it,  are  removed  by  the  operations  of  returning  reaforu 
At  this  moment  therefore,  when  the  mitts  of  error  are  difperling, 
and  a  fpirit  of  fober  enquiry  beginning  to  prevail,  I  have  pre- 
fumed*to  folicit  a  few  moments  attention.  As  far  as  the  con- 
Iroverfy  with  Mr.  Burr  is  perfonal,  it  gives  me  no  concern;  but 


J12 

when  indignities  arc  offered  to  the  understandings  of  the  people, 
and  impofitions  pra&ifed  upon  them,  involving  momentous  con- 
fequences  to  our  common  country,  patriotifm  demands  an  effort 
to  refent  and  deleft  them. 

THE  agents  that  were  employed  on  this  occafion,  were  well 
calculated  to  accomplifh  the  obje&s  their  fuperiors  had  in  view. 
Two  defperate  and  notorious  offenders  againft  the  laws  and  go- 
vernment of  their  native  country,  engaged  with  alacnty  in  infe- 
rior mifcliief.  Thefe  hireling  trumpeters  of  faction  who  write 
and  calumniate  for  bread,  goaded  on  by  their  daftardly  em- 
ployers, have  infulted  and  convulfed  the  nation,  by  a  feries  of 
the  moft  unbridled  licentioufnefs  ever  countenanced  in  a  coun- 
try that  boafls  of  a  well  organized  government. 

THIS  ftate  has  been  the  principal  theatre  of  action,  where 
factious  fpirits  have  indulged  in  mifchief  with  impunity,  and 
where  the  fyftem  of  profcription  has  begun.  The  agitations 
that  have  occafionally  appeared  in  Pennfylvania  and  elfewhere, 
are  only  branches  of  the  fame  corrupted  flock.  This  unhappy 
ftate,  by  the  unguarded  admiffion  of  foreign  fugitives,  has  be- 
come the  fountain  of  evil,  from  which  flow  a  thoufand  dreams, 
that  pervade  and  poifon  the  whole  country. 

IN  Pennfylvania,  Duane  has  attempted  to  renderthegovernment 
fubfervient  to  his  diforganizing  fchemes,  and  is  now  denounc- 
ing its  officers,  for  juilly  refifting  his  pernicious  projects.  We 
there  find  men  who  have  grown  grey  in  honorable  fervice,  who 
have  either  obtained  laurels  in  the  field,  or  honor  in  the  cabi- 
net, and  mould  find  their  reward  in  the  gratitude  and  attach- 
ment of  their  country,  afTailed  by  a  foreign  renegado,  who  has 
here  found  refuge  from  the  refentment  of  every  country,  in 
•which  he  has  ever  dared  to  feek  an  afylum. 

THIS  wretch,  who  it  is  faid  is  infenfible  to  difgrace,  tho* 
not  "  unwhipt  of  juftice,"  boafls  of  controuling  the  politics 
of  the  ftate  in  which  he  lives,  and  of  having  the  power  to  ele* 
vate  or  deprefs,  every  political  character  at  pleafure. 


113 

THESE  ebullitions  of  his  vanity  and  infolence,  are  colle&ed 
from  letters  now  before  me,  and  coincide  with  verbal  commu- 
nications to  which  I  am  ready  to  refer. 

ALTHOUGH  Duane  in  the  attack  which  has  been  made  on 
the  character  of  Mr.  Burr,  has  only  appeared  as  the  fatellite  of 
Cheetham,  and  the  humble  copyift  of  his  (landers,  he  has  oc- 
cafionally  tranfgreffed  the  limits  which  his  prudence  or  his  cun- 
ning had  prefcribed.  Confcious  that  the  calumnies  againft  the 
vice-prefident,  could  not  be  fupported,  he  at  firft  abftained 
from  any  direct  interference,  but  perceiving  that  they  were 
treated  with  filence  and  contempt,  he  affumed  more  confidence, 
and  ventured  to  give  them  fome  collateral  fupport.  A  moft 
infidious  editorial  article  appeared  in  the  Aurora  of  the  I3th 
of  June  1802,  which  ftates  that  the  editor  a  few  days  before, 
had  been  invited  to  breakfaft  at  Mr.  Matthew  L.  Davis's  in 
New-York.  That  he  there  found  Mr.  Swartwout  and  Mr. 
Van  Nefs.  That  in  converfation  on  the  fubject  of  the  publi- 
cations, which  had  appeared  againft  Mr.  Burr,  he  (Duane) 
"  recommended  explanations,  and  wifhed  for  fuch  explanations, 
as  might  prevent  divifions  and  further  jealoufies.  But  it  was 
evidently  too  late,  for  Mr.  Davis  attacked  the  prefident  in  very 
unworthy  language,  for  which  he  was  reprimanded."* 

THE  friends  of  Mr.  Burr  have  certainly  been  criminally  in- 
different to  the  flanders  of  this  common  libeller.  I  examined 
into  the  truth  of  this  ftatement  at  the  time  the  article  in  quef- 
tion  appeared,  and  moft  unequivocally  aflert,  that  no  fuch  lan- 
guage was  ufed  upon  that  occafion,  and  that  every  thing 
ftated  in  the  paragraph  juft  quoted,  is  falfe. 

IF  Duane  (hall  think  it  expedient,  to  contradict  what  is 
here  faid,  I  (hall  convict  him  before  the  public,  of  having  de- 
liberately fabricated  and  pubh'med  a  direct  and  palpable  falfe- 
hood. 

*  See  Aurora,  June  13,   1802. 


Ill 

INNUMERABLE  falfehoods  like  thefe,  have  been  circulated 
through  the  country,  and  many  by  conftant  repetition  have  at 
length  paffed  for  truths.  By  an  unvaried  perfeverance  in  fuch 
diabolical  mea fares,  the  enemies  of  the  vice-prefident,  have 
donbtlefs  fucceeded  in  fome  places,  in  producing  impreffions  un- 
favourable to  his  political  reputation.  It  is  impoflible  that  the 
faireft  fame  could  rcfift  fuch  fyftematized  abufe.  For  as  in  the 
natural  world  the  hardefl  bodies  wear  away  by  conftant  colli- 
fion,  fo  in  the  moral,  the  pureft  character  may  be  ruined  by 
bold  and  unceafing  calumnies.  Confcious  that  while  his  influ- 
ence continued,  it  would  be  exerted  to  oppofe  their  diforganiz- 
ing  projects,  the  firft  and  favorite  objects  of  the  opponents  of 
Mr.  Burr  was,  to  deprive  him  of  the  confidence  of  the  admi- 
niftration.  The  moft  abfurd  deceptions  were  attempted  to  be 
pra&ifed  upon  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and  the  friends  of  Mr.  Burr  re- 
prefented  as  inimical  to  all  the  officers  of  government.  The 
common  rights  of  citizens  were  almolt  denied  them.  The  pri- 
vilege of  difcuffing  the  meafures  of  government,  when  exer- 
cifed,  was  deemed  indicative  of  defigns  to  proftrate  thofe  io 
power.  By  thefe  means  has  the  influence  of  the  government, 
at  leaft  partially,  been  brought  in,  to  fupport  the  meafures  of  a 
fa&ioru 

SURELY  Mr.  Jefferfon  cannot  be  fo  far  deceived,  or  fo  illi- 
beral, as  to  believe  that  every  man  who  differs  from  him  in  opi- 
nion upon  mere  fpeculative  fubje&s,  or  fuch  queftions  as  daily 
arife  in  the  progrefs  of  public  bufinefs,  are  either  his  perfonal 
foes,  or  enemies  to  the  government  which  he  adminifters.  If 
he  does,  he  fhould  at  leaft  have  the  firmnefs  to  avow  it.  If  not, 
he  mould  drive  from  his  confidence  that  band  of  knaves  and 
fycophants,  who  are  infufing  thofe  poifonous  ideas  into  hi* 
bofom.  Men  of  virtue  cannot  affociate  with  them,  and  while 
they  continue  to  revolve  clofe  around  the  center  of  public 
power,  every  honefl  citizen  will  withdraw,  and  view  with  deter- 


115 

mined,  though  forrowful  indifference  the  evils  they  produce. 
It  is  time  for  him  to  aroufe  from  his  inactivity,  and  make  off 
Uiofc  pefts  that  hang  around  him,  and  that  in  the  end  will  de. 
prire  him  of  the  efteem  of  his  fellow  citizens.  The  people  in 
general,  and  more  efpecially  thofe,  who  have  been  held  up  to 
the  world  in  falfe  and  odious  colours,  have  a  right  to  demand 
a  deciiion  on  this  fubject,  from  the  chief  magiftrate  of  their 
country. 

BEFORE  however  he  determines,  ultimately  to  act,  and  on 
whom  to  rely  for  fupport,  he  mould  view  with  compofure,  the 
parties  that  are  arrayed  againft  each  other.  On  the  one  fide  he 
will  find  revolutionary  merit ;  men  too  proud  to  bend  the  knee 
to  power,  too  honeft  to  aflbciate  with  rogues,  and  too  brave 
to  be  driven  from  the  independent  exercife  of  their  opinions, 
by  any  faction  in  the  country.  On  the  other,  a  fet  of  dif- 
organizing  cowards,  who  fctk  to  profit  by  the  confufion  they. 
create,  who  if  pofllble  will  lead  him  into  error,  and  betray, 
when  they  can  no  longer  affift  him.  Above  all  let  him  remem- 
ber who  placed  him  where  he  is,  and  he  will  find  they  are  not 
thofe,  who  arc  denouncing  Mr.  Burr. 

THESE  remarks  are  intended  for  the  ferious  confideration  of 
Mr.  Jefferfon.  To  me  the  refult  of  his  reflections  upon  this 
fubject  is  immaterial ;  but  to  him  it  may  be  important.  He  is 
certainly  interefted,  and  deeply  too,  in  the  divifions  that  pre- 
vail. Upon  mature  inveftigation,  he  will  find  that  the  publi- 
cations againft  Mr.  Burr,  have  iu  truth,  no  connection  with  a 
defence  of  the  adminiftration;  but  that  the  queftion  is,  whether 
a  few  factious  individuals  mall  monopolize  the  honors  and  emo- 
luments of  the  government,  or  whether  Mr.  Burr  {hall  retain 
that  ftation  and  influence  to  which  his  talents  and  political  know- 
ledge juftly  entitle  him?  He  will  find  that  in  this  ftate,  the 
opponents  of  Mr.  Burr  dare  not  meet  him  on  the  true  ground 
of  difpute,  but  that  they  refort  to  the  gorcrnment  to  fight  the 


116 

battles  which  they  are  unable  to  fuftain  ;  that  there  is  a  wide 
diftin&ion  between  the  men  who  have  wrefted  the  government 
from  federal  hands,  and  the  miferable  minions  'of  De  Witt'Clinton. 
He  fliould  refort  for  information  to  other  fources,than  a  news-pa- 
per, which  is  fupported  by  private  funds  for  the  exclufive  pur- 
pofes  of  flander.  He  would  then  be  informed  that  James 
Cheetham,  who  has  hitherto  received  fupport  from  the  general 
government,  is  the  tool  of  individuals,  who  know  no  motives 
of  action,  but  fuch  as  are  founded  in  indifcriminate  oppofition 
to  Mr.  Burr.  All  refpe&able  men,  who  have  been  deluded  by 
the  fophiftry  and  profeffions  of  this  man,  are  withdrawing  their 
countenance,  and  again  embarking  in  the  fupport  of  thefe  ge- 
nuine principles  of  freedom  that  firfl  faved  us  from  flavery,  and 
then  from  the  pernicious  tendencies  of  federal  policy. 

MR.  BROCKHOLST  LIVINGSTON  ftill  remains  the  moft  inti- 
mate aflbciate  and  coadjutor  of  James  Cheetham.  As  this 
gentleman  however  is  rapidly  travelling  round  the  circle  of  in- 
confiftencies,  his  fupport  is  as  precarious,  as  it  is'unimportant. 
From  the  views  which  he  has  lately  indulged,  it  is  almoit  time 
for  him  to  change  his  pofition.  Verfed  in  calculation,  and 
fkilful  in  his  movements,  he  changes  fides,  and  wheels,  with 
all  the  agility  of  a  veteran  in  political  difcipline. 

UPON  what  principles  Mr.  Livingfton  means  to  juftify  his  in- 
timacy with  this  man,  remains  yet  to  be  explained.  In  June 
1802,  he  pronounced  James  Cheetham  the  greateft  rafcal  in  the 
country,*  and  in  the  courfe  of  a  very  few  months,  we  beheld 
him  his  conftant  companion.  "  The  honorable  judge  Living- 
fton," was  referred  to  almoft  daily,  as  the  friend  of  the  editor, 
and  the  obliging  author  of  information  that  graced  the  columns 
of  the  American  Citizen.  From  thefe  circumftances  it  is  fair 
to  infer,  that  he  aided  in  preparing  for  the  fame  paper,  a  fketch 

*  /  can  prove  that  lit  then  made  this  declaration. 


117 

uf  the  negotiations  of  colonel  Burr  with  the  Manhattan"  Com- 
pany. Mr.  Livingfton  was  at  that  time  a  director  of  that  bank. 

A  MORE  fair  and  honorable  negociation  than  the  one  in  quef- 
tion  was  never  tranfafted.  The  bank  was  fecured  by  property 
to  nearly  double  the  amount  of  the  money  advanced,  unincum- 
bered  and  moft  rapidly  increafing  in  value.  Mr.  Livingfton's 
conduA  in  relation  to  that  tranfaction,  was  as  difgraceful  as 
indifcreet.  Animadversions  upon  it,  came  peculiarly  ill  from 
him,  as  at  that  very  period,  he  was  engaged  in  a  loan  from  the 
company  to  nearly  the  fame  amount  without  having  given  any 
other  fecurity  than  his  name.  Befides,  a  man  who  has  been 
extricated  from  debts,  to  an  incalculable  amount,  by  means 
which  have  never  been  explained,  but  is  now  rioting  in  luxury 
and  wealth,  mould  be  cautious  how  he  interferes  in  the  pecu- 
niary concerns  of  other  men.  A  recurrence  to  the  paft  fcenes 
of  his  life,  mould"  iinpofe  filence  upon  fuch  fubjefts.  The  re- 
collection of  ruined  widows  and  of  fuffcring  orphans,  whofe 
tears  have  not  yet  ceafed  to  flow,  is  furely  enough  to  harrow 
op  the  very  foul  of  knavery  itfelf,  and  make  it  Ihrink  back 
with  horror  from  every  thing,  that  can  revive  the  fad  remem- 
brance of  their  fate.  Though  the  world  through  the  influ- 
ence of  a  mild  demeanor,  may  be  difpofed  to  bury  fuch  tranf- 
a&ions  in  oblivion,  there  are  thofe  by  whom  they  can  never  be 
forgotten  ;  who  in  moments  of  diftrefs,  muft  behold  with  for- 
row  the  fmiles  of  fortune  lavifhed  on  the  wicked,  while  her 
frowns  obfcure  the  deftinies  of  the  good.  But  thefe  are  fub- 
jec~b  that  mall  be  referved  for  future  notice.  This  gentleman 
has  long  moft  afllduoufly  fought  popularity,  and  if  he  fucceeds 
in  obtaining  public  confidence  while  I  live,  he  mall  mount  to 
official  dignity,  with  his  portrait  by  his  fide. 

THERE  are  ftill  a  few  men  left,  who  have  acted  the  fame  un- 
worthy part,  and  merit  the  fame  chaftiiement,  as  the  gentleman 
I  have  juft  named.  But  to  enumerate  them  all,  and  examine: 

Q 


118 

their  individual  characters,  would  be  "  making  war  with  bed- 
lam."  In  due  time,  however,  they  fhall  feel  the  rod,  as  it  is  im- 
poffible  long,  to  view  in  filcnce,  the  misfortunes  that  afflict  our 
unhappy  ftate. 

GOVERNED,  as  it  has  been  for  the  laft  three  years,  by  an  old 
man,  who,  through  the  inevitable  imbecility  of  age,  has  loft, 
not  only  the  fagacity  necefiary  to  detect  the  frauds  that  arc 
practiced  upon,  but  the  vigor  to  punifh  the  bafe  inftruments 
who  have  led  him  into  error,  it  has  experienced  all  the  evils  of 
a  wicked,  as  well  as  an  incapable  adminiftration.  Oppreffed 
by  the  withering  hand  of  time,  and  finking  under  infirmities  of 
every  kind,  this  gentleman  is  rejoiced  to  efcape  from  the  duties 
of  bis  office,  and  transfer  the  burthen  of  government  to  other 
hands.  It  is  his  misfortune  to  have  felected  men  deftitute  of 
virtue  and  of  talents;  to  have  been  furrounded  by  creatures 
who  are  notorious  for  their  political  crimes  ;  who  are  ready  to 
defert  him  in  diftrefs;  and  who,  when  "  fhorne  of  his  honors," 
would  be  the  firft  to  calumniate  and  betray  him;  who  with  all 
the  levity  of  intoxicated  folly,  now  boaft  of  directing  the  go- 
vernment of  the  ftate,  and  of  afting  alternately  as  Secret  Go- 
vernor to  his  Excellency. 

THAT  men  of  probity  and  character,  have  been  excluded 
from  his  councils  and  his  confidence,  the  diforders  that  have 
difgraced  his  adminiftration,  will  teftify.  That  knaves  and  fy- 
cophants  have  held  the  reins  of  government,  and  driven  us  to 
the  brink  of  ruin,  muft  be  evident  to  every  man  converfant  with 
our  political  concerns.  But  the  people  are  becoming  fcnfible  of 
the  evils  that  opprefs  them,  and  the  period  is  approaching, 
when  the  united  efforts  of  honeft  men  will  proftrate  this  pha- 
lanx of  iniquity,  and  reftore  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  ftate. 


ERRATA. 
Page  56,  line  7,  for  care  read  eafe, 

94,  line  29,  for  prefent  mayor  read  late  may  or* 


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